Tradition, Innovation and Identity in the Byzantine World

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Tradition, Innovation and Identity in the Byzantine World (en)
Традиција, иновација и идентитет у византијском свету (sr)
Tradicija, inovacija i identitet u vizantijskom svetu (sr_RS)

Publications

Document Serving the Conclusion of a Contract and Conveyance of a Right: Interweaving of the Roman and Greek Legal Traditions in Byzantine Private Law

Ilić, Tamara

(Beograd : Pravni fakultet Univerziteta Union, 2022)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Ilić, Tamara
PY  - 2022
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/13258
AB  - The purchase contract, often referred to as sale and purchase (πρᾶσις καὶ ἀγορασία) as an illustration of its twofold nature derived from the Roman legal tradition, or simply as sale (πρᾶσις), is suitable for analyzing different legal issues. In light of typical Byzantine document named πρατήριον ἔγγραφον, we aim to define the nature of purchase contract in this medieval legal system. Diplomatic formulae contain data about consensus of contractual parties, as well as the fact that a document was drafted “for security”, which raises the question of solemnity of this contract. The role the deed has is also discussed in the paper, as in some cases it is uncertain whether the composition and delivery of the document also implied the passing of title. Applied methodological approach takes into account the linguistic interpretation of documentary clauses and legal provisions in codes, and relies on comparative-historical method.
AB  - Kupoprodajni ugovor, u grčkim dokumentima nazvan πρᾶσις καὶ ἀγορασία, prema svojoj dvostrukoj prirodi, ili samo πρᾶσις, prigodan je za analizu različitih pravnih pitanja. Istražujući vizantijski tipski dokument πρατήριον ἔγγραφον u radu želimo da istražimo prirodu kupoprodajnog ugovora u tom pravnom sistemu. Diplomatičke formule sadrže podatke o saglasnosti volja ugovornih strana, kao i frazu da je dokument sastavljen „radi sigurnosti”, što dovodi u pitanje formalnost tog pravnog posla. U radu je takođe razmatrana uloga dokumenta u sticanju, odnosno prenosu stvarnog prava, s obzirom na to da je sporno da li sastavljanje i predaja dokumenta impliciraju i te radnje. Metodološki pristup podrazumeva jezičko tumačenje klauzula i tipiziranih diplomatičkih formula u dokumentima, kao i odredaba u pravnim zbirkama, koje dopunjuje komparativno-istorijski metod.
PB  - Beograd : Pravni fakultet Univerziteta Union
T2  - Pravni zapisi
T1  - Document Serving the Conclusion of a Contract and Conveyance of a Right: Interweaving of the Roman and Greek Legal Traditions in Byzantine Private Law
T1  - Dokument u službi zaključenja ugovora i prenosa prava: preplitanje rimske i grčke pravne tradicije u vizantijskom privatnom pravu
SP  - 113
EP  - 128
VL  - 13
IS  - 1
DO  - 10.5937/pravzap0-37349
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_13258
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Ilić, Tamara",
year = "2022",
abstract = "The purchase contract, often referred to as sale and purchase (πρᾶσις καὶ ἀγορασία) as an illustration of its twofold nature derived from the Roman legal tradition, or simply as sale (πρᾶσις), is suitable for analyzing different legal issues. In light of typical Byzantine document named πρατήριον ἔγγραφον, we aim to define the nature of purchase contract in this medieval legal system. Diplomatic formulae contain data about consensus of contractual parties, as well as the fact that a document was drafted “for security”, which raises the question of solemnity of this contract. The role the deed has is also discussed in the paper, as in some cases it is uncertain whether the composition and delivery of the document also implied the passing of title. Applied methodological approach takes into account the linguistic interpretation of documentary clauses and legal provisions in codes, and relies on comparative-historical method., Kupoprodajni ugovor, u grčkim dokumentima nazvan πρᾶσις καὶ ἀγορασία, prema svojoj dvostrukoj prirodi, ili samo πρᾶσις, prigodan je za analizu različitih pravnih pitanja. Istražujući vizantijski tipski dokument πρατήριον ἔγγραφον u radu želimo da istražimo prirodu kupoprodajnog ugovora u tom pravnom sistemu. Diplomatičke formule sadrže podatke o saglasnosti volja ugovornih strana, kao i frazu da je dokument sastavljen „radi sigurnosti”, što dovodi u pitanje formalnost tog pravnog posla. U radu je takođe razmatrana uloga dokumenta u sticanju, odnosno prenosu stvarnog prava, s obzirom na to da je sporno da li sastavljanje i predaja dokumenta impliciraju i te radnje. Metodološki pristup podrazumeva jezičko tumačenje klauzula i tipiziranih diplomatičkih formula u dokumentima, kao i odredaba u pravnim zbirkama, koje dopunjuje komparativno-istorijski metod.",
publisher = "Beograd : Pravni fakultet Univerziteta Union",
journal = "Pravni zapisi",
title = "Document Serving the Conclusion of a Contract and Conveyance of a Right: Interweaving of the Roman and Greek Legal Traditions in Byzantine Private Law, Dokument u službi zaključenja ugovora i prenosa prava: preplitanje rimske i grčke pravne tradicije u vizantijskom privatnom pravu",
pages = "113-128",
volume = "13",
number = "1",
doi = "10.5937/pravzap0-37349",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_13258"
}
Ilić, T.. (2022). Document Serving the Conclusion of a Contract and Conveyance of a Right: Interweaving of the Roman and Greek Legal Traditions in Byzantine Private Law. in Pravni zapisi
Beograd : Pravni fakultet Univerziteta Union., 13(1), 113-128.
https://doi.org/10.5937/pravzap0-37349
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_13258
Ilić T. Document Serving the Conclusion of a Contract and Conveyance of a Right: Interweaving of the Roman and Greek Legal Traditions in Byzantine Private Law. in Pravni zapisi. 2022;13(1):113-128.
doi:10.5937/pravzap0-37349
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_13258 .
Ilić, Tamara, "Document Serving the Conclusion of a Contract and Conveyance of a Right: Interweaving of the Roman and Greek Legal Traditions in Byzantine Private Law" in Pravni zapisi, 13, no. 1 (2022):113-128,
https://doi.org/10.5937/pravzap0-37349 .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_13258 .

The Kangar of De administrando imperio and the Hungarian-Bashkir Controversy

Komatina, Predrag

(Budapest : ELTE Eötvös-József-Collegium, 2021)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Komatina, Predrag
PY  - 2021
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/12203
AB  - There are in the work De administrando imperio of the Byzantine emperor 
Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus (913–959), composed between 948 and 952, 
two interesting pieces of information about the people called Kangar (Κάγγαρ). 
It should be known that the Pechenegs are also called Kangar, though 
not all of them, but only the folk of the three provinces of Iabdierti and 
Kouartzitzour and Chabouxingyla, for they are more valiant and noble 
than the rest; for that is what the appellation Kangar means.
PB  - Budapest : ELTE Eötvös-József-Collegium
T2  - Byzanz und das Abendland VII. Studia Byzantino-Occidentali
T1  - The Kangar of De administrando imperio and the Hungarian-Bashkir  Controversy
SP  - 205
EP  - 223
VL  - 42
DO  - 10.37584/BuA_7.205.223
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12203
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Komatina, Predrag",
year = "2021",
abstract = "There are in the work De administrando imperio of the Byzantine emperor 
Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus (913–959), composed between 948 and 952, 
two interesting pieces of information about the people called Kangar (Κάγγαρ). 
It should be known that the Pechenegs are also called Kangar, though 
not all of them, but only the folk of the three provinces of Iabdierti and 
Kouartzitzour and Chabouxingyla, for they are more valiant and noble 
than the rest; for that is what the appellation Kangar means.",
publisher = "Budapest : ELTE Eötvös-József-Collegium",
journal = "Byzanz und das Abendland VII. Studia Byzantino-Occidentali",
booktitle = "The Kangar of De administrando imperio and the Hungarian-Bashkir  Controversy",
pages = "205-223",
volume = "42",
doi = "10.37584/BuA_7.205.223",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12203"
}
Komatina, P.. (2021). The Kangar of De administrando imperio and the Hungarian-Bashkir  Controversy. in Byzanz und das Abendland VII. Studia Byzantino-Occidentali
Budapest : ELTE Eötvös-József-Collegium., 42, 205-223.
https://doi.org/10.37584/BuA_7.205.223
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12203
Komatina P. The Kangar of De administrando imperio and the Hungarian-Bashkir  Controversy. in Byzanz und das Abendland VII. Studia Byzantino-Occidentali. 2021;42:205-223.
doi:10.37584/BuA_7.205.223
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12203 .
Komatina, Predrag, "The Kangar of De administrando imperio and the Hungarian-Bashkir  Controversy" in Byzanz und das Abendland VII. Studia Byzantino-Occidentali, 42 (2021):205-223,
https://doi.org/10.37584/BuA_7.205.223 .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12203 .

Christian Allegoresis of the Odyssey?

Šijaković, Jovana

(Belgrade / Podgorica : Gnomon Center for the Humanities / Matica srpska – Društvo članova u Crnoј Gori, 2021)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Šijaković, Jovana
PY  - 2021
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/12292
AB  - The sections in early Christian writings brought forward and discussed by Hugo Rahner 
and Jean Pépin gave rise to an impression that Christian allegoresis of the Odyssey could be 
clearly identified in these writings, with its basic shape established before the end of the 2nd c. 
and evolving in particulars over the following three centuries. The Christian hostility to imputing any theological significance to Homer’s poetry seems to be disregarded in the context of this 
issue, but the conclusion to be drawn from it leaves Christian allegoresis of Homer looking fundamentally undesirable. Platonic and Gnostic Homeric exegesis reflected in part their views on 
the soul and its relation to the divine. Due to this fact Homeric images colored the language in 
which these questions were discussed at the time when they were of interest to competing Christian, Neoplatonic and Gnostic thinkers alike. When not merely illustrative or aiding the appeal 
of an expression, the use of Homeric imagery in Christian authors aims to redefine the issues to 
which the images are being applied not the images themselves.
AB  - На основу појединих одјељака у ранохришћанским дјелима, које су издвојили и 
коментарисали Х. Ранер и Ж. Пепен, створен је утисак да се хришћанска алегореза Одисеје може јасно идентификовати у овим списима. По том суду, тумачење које уноси садржај хришћанског учења у Одисеју појављује се у II вијеку и развија се у појединостима 
кроз наредна три вијека. При томе се занемарује да било какво придавање теолошког значаја Хомеру није наилазило на одобравање међу хришћанима, чији начелни ставови према пјеснику не остављају простор за егзегетско христиjанизовање епа. Добро посвједочена хомерска егзегеза код платоничара и гностика одражавала је њихове погледе на душу 
и њен однос према божанском. Због тога је и језик на коме се о тим питањима расправљало био прожет хомерским сликама у вријеме када су она била предмет спора међу различитим хришћанским, платоничарским и гностичким школама мишљења. Тамо гдје није 
посреди само уобличавање пријемчивијег израза, употреба хомерских слика код црквених 
отаца има за циљ да редефинише питања илустрована хомерским сликама, а не саме слике.
PB  - Belgrade / Podgorica : Gnomon Center for the Humanities / Matica srpska – Društvo članova u Crnoј Gori
T2  - Philosophоs – Philotheos – Philoponоs / Studies and Essays as Charisteria in Honor of Professor Bogoljub Šijaković  on the Occasion of His 65th Birthday
T1  - Christian Allegoresis of the Odyssey?
SP  - 145
EP  - 167
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12292
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Šijaković, Jovana",
year = "2021",
abstract = "The sections in early Christian writings brought forward and discussed by Hugo Rahner 
and Jean Pépin gave rise to an impression that Christian allegoresis of the Odyssey could be 
clearly identified in these writings, with its basic shape established before the end of the 2nd c. 
and evolving in particulars over the following three centuries. The Christian hostility to imputing any theological significance to Homer’s poetry seems to be disregarded in the context of this 
issue, but the conclusion to be drawn from it leaves Christian allegoresis of Homer looking fundamentally undesirable. Platonic and Gnostic Homeric exegesis reflected in part their views on 
the soul and its relation to the divine. Due to this fact Homeric images colored the language in 
which these questions were discussed at the time when they were of interest to competing Christian, Neoplatonic and Gnostic thinkers alike. When not merely illustrative or aiding the appeal 
of an expression, the use of Homeric imagery in Christian authors aims to redefine the issues to 
which the images are being applied not the images themselves., На основу појединих одјељака у ранохришћанским дјелима, које су издвојили и 
коментарисали Х. Ранер и Ж. Пепен, створен је утисак да се хришћанска алегореза Одисеје може јасно идентификовати у овим списима. По том суду, тумачење које уноси садржај хришћанског учења у Одисеју појављује се у II вијеку и развија се у појединостима 
кроз наредна три вијека. При томе се занемарује да било какво придавање теолошког значаја Хомеру није наилазило на одобравање међу хришћанима, чији начелни ставови према пјеснику не остављају простор за егзегетско христиjанизовање епа. Добро посвједочена хомерска егзегеза код платоничара и гностика одражавала је њихове погледе на душу 
и њен однос према божанском. Због тога је и језик на коме се о тим питањима расправљало био прожет хомерским сликама у вријеме када су она била предмет спора међу различитим хришћанским, платоничарским и гностичким школама мишљења. Тамо гдје није 
посреди само уобличавање пријемчивијег израза, употреба хомерских слика код црквених 
отаца има за циљ да редефинише питања илустрована хомерским сликама, а не саме слике.",
publisher = "Belgrade / Podgorica : Gnomon Center for the Humanities / Matica srpska – Društvo članova u Crnoј Gori",
journal = "Philosophоs – Philotheos – Philoponоs / Studies and Essays as Charisteria in Honor of Professor Bogoljub Šijaković  on the Occasion of His 65th Birthday",
booktitle = "Christian Allegoresis of the Odyssey?",
pages = "145-167",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12292"
}
Šijaković, J.. (2021). Christian Allegoresis of the Odyssey?. in Philosophоs – Philotheos – Philoponоs / Studies and Essays as Charisteria in Honor of Professor Bogoljub Šijaković  on the Occasion of His 65th Birthday
Belgrade / Podgorica : Gnomon Center for the Humanities / Matica srpska – Društvo članova u Crnoј Gori., 145-167.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12292
Šijaković J. Christian Allegoresis of the Odyssey?. in Philosophоs – Philotheos – Philoponоs / Studies and Essays as Charisteria in Honor of Professor Bogoljub Šijaković  on the Occasion of His 65th Birthday. 2021;:145-167.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12292 .
Šijaković, Jovana, "Christian Allegoresis of the Odyssey?" in Philosophоs – Philotheos – Philoponоs / Studies and Essays as Charisteria in Honor of Professor Bogoljub Šijaković  on the Occasion of His 65th Birthday (2021):145-167,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12292 .

Славянские этнонимы «баварского географа»: историко-лингвистический анализ

Коматина, Предраг

(Санкт-Петербургский государственный университет, 2020)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Коматина, Предраг
PY  - 2020
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/10762
AB  - The so-called Bavarian Geographer describes the ethnopolitical situation at the end of the first
half of the 9th century in a wide area of Central and Eastern Europe. The names of those tribes are mostly recorded in their Germanic forms, as they were known at the time among the Franks. Those names are in their Slavic forms basically authentic, quallificative in their nature, created according to certain collective characteristics that their bearers attributed to themselves. Thus we can assume that those tribes brought those names from their ancient homeland when they settled the Elbe region, and that could be corroborated with the fact that some of those tribal names appear also among the South Slavs (Obodrites, Serbs, Milingoi = Milcians?). In the area of the ancient Slavic homeland itself, in the basin of the upper Oder, Warta, Vistula, West Bug and Upper Dniester, it lists a number of tribes that can be divided into two groups. The first would include those who still kept their old names and ancient tribal identities The second group includes tribes,
which, judging by their names, were new, territorially based tribes, composed of members of various tribes 
that during the migrations stayed at their homes. Based on the ethnonymic material from the treatise of the Bavarian Geograph and other early medieval sources, one important conclusion can be reached about the Slavic ethnonymy — in naming of the tribes, peoples and communities, the Slavs held much more to the essence than form. The names derived from the same root occur often with different suffixes, and sometimes for one and the same tribe the names are derived from another, but semantically identical root.
PB  - Санкт-Петербургский государственный университет
T2  - Studia Slavica et Balcanica Petropolitana
T1  - Славянские этнонимы «баварского географа»: историко-лингвистический анализ
T1  - Slavic ethnonyms in the Bavarian Geographer: A historiographic linguistic analysis
SP  - 106
EP  - 137
VL  - 27
IS  - 1
DO  - 10.21638/spbu19.2020.106
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10762
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Коматина, Предраг",
year = "2020",
abstract = "The so-called Bavarian Geographer describes the ethnopolitical situation at the end of the first
half of the 9th century in a wide area of Central and Eastern Europe. The names of those tribes are mostly recorded in their Germanic forms, as they were known at the time among the Franks. Those names are in their Slavic forms basically authentic, quallificative in their nature, created according to certain collective characteristics that their bearers attributed to themselves. Thus we can assume that those tribes brought those names from their ancient homeland when they settled the Elbe region, and that could be corroborated with the fact that some of those tribal names appear also among the South Slavs (Obodrites, Serbs, Milingoi = Milcians?). In the area of the ancient Slavic homeland itself, in the basin of the upper Oder, Warta, Vistula, West Bug and Upper Dniester, it lists a number of tribes that can be divided into two groups. The first would include those who still kept their old names and ancient tribal identities The second group includes tribes,
which, judging by their names, were new, territorially based tribes, composed of members of various tribes 
that during the migrations stayed at their homes. Based on the ethnonymic material from the treatise of the Bavarian Geograph and other early medieval sources, one important conclusion can be reached about the Slavic ethnonymy — in naming of the tribes, peoples and communities, the Slavs held much more to the essence than form. The names derived from the same root occur often with different suffixes, and sometimes for one and the same tribe the names are derived from another, but semantically identical root.",
publisher = "Санкт-Петербургский государственный университет",
journal = "Studia Slavica et Balcanica Petropolitana",
title = "Славянские этнонимы «баварского географа»: историко-лингвистический анализ, Slavic ethnonyms in the Bavarian Geographer: A historiographic linguistic analysis",
pages = "106-137",
volume = "27",
number = "1",
doi = "10.21638/spbu19.2020.106",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10762"
}
Коматина, П.. (2020). Славянские этнонимы «баварского географа»: историко-лингвистический анализ. in Studia Slavica et Balcanica Petropolitana
Санкт-Петербургский государственный университет., 27(1), 106-137.
https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu19.2020.106
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10762
Коматина П. Славянские этнонимы «баварского географа»: историко-лингвистический анализ. in Studia Slavica et Balcanica Petropolitana. 2020;27(1):106-137.
doi:10.21638/spbu19.2020.106
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10762 .
Коматина, Предраг, "Славянские этнонимы «баварского географа»: историко-лингвистический анализ" in Studia Slavica et Balcanica Petropolitana, 27, no. 1 (2020):106-137,
https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu19.2020.106 .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10762 .
1

Нарочито поштоване иконе у средњовековној Србији / Highly venerated icons in medieval Serbia

Миљковић, Бојан

(Beograd : Filozofski fakultet - Institut za istoriju umetnosti, 2020)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Миљковић, Бојан
PY  - 2020
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/12206
AB  - У средњовековну Србију из Византије су пренети и оби чаји указивања поштовања појединим сликама у чију 
се исцелитељску и заштитничку моћ веровало. Нај чешће је реч о Богородичиним иконама, од којих су неке 
и данас предмет култа. О постојању других сазнаје се 
из ликовних и писаних сведочанстава. Топонимски епи тети исписани на њиховим копијама најсигурнији су 
доказ поштовања које су уживале. Могу се поделити у 
три групе – најпознатије сликане светиње Цариграда и 
Солуна, затим нарочито поштоване иконе у местима 
која су ширењем српске државе у средњем веку постала 
њен саставни део и, напослетку, оне чији је култ извор но српски
AB  - The custom of venerating images that are believed to have 
healing and protective powers also made its way to Serbia 
from Byzantium. These images were usually icons of the 
Virgin, some of which continue to be objects of cult even today. Others are known to us from visual and written testimonies. The toponymic epithets inscribed on their copies are 
the most reliable proof of the veneration they once enjoyed. 
These images can be classified into three groups: the most 
famous sacred images of Constantinople and Thessalonike; 
icons highly venerated in places that became part of the medieval Serbian state during its expansion; and finally, those 
whose cult originated in Serbia itself.
PB  - Beograd : Filozofski fakultet - Institut za istoriju umetnosti
T2  - Зограф
T1  - Нарочито поштоване иконе у средњовековној Србији / Highly venerated icons in medieval Serbia
SP  - 127
EP  - 156
VL  - 44
DO  - 10.2298/ZOG2044127M
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12206
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Миљковић, Бојан",
year = "2020",
abstract = "У средњовековну Србију из Византије су пренети и оби чаји указивања поштовања појединим сликама у чију 
се исцелитељску и заштитничку моћ веровало. Нај чешће је реч о Богородичиним иконама, од којих су неке 
и данас предмет култа. О постојању других сазнаје се 
из ликовних и писаних сведочанстава. Топонимски епи тети исписани на њиховим копијама најсигурнији су 
доказ поштовања које су уживале. Могу се поделити у 
три групе – најпознатије сликане светиње Цариграда и 
Солуна, затим нарочито поштоване иконе у местима 
која су ширењем српске државе у средњем веку постала 
њен саставни део и, напослетку, оне чији је култ извор но српски, The custom of venerating images that are believed to have 
healing and protective powers also made its way to Serbia 
from Byzantium. These images were usually icons of the 
Virgin, some of which continue to be objects of cult even today. Others are known to us from visual and written testimonies. The toponymic epithets inscribed on their copies are 
the most reliable proof of the veneration they once enjoyed. 
These images can be classified into three groups: the most 
famous sacred images of Constantinople and Thessalonike; 
icons highly venerated in places that became part of the medieval Serbian state during its expansion; and finally, those 
whose cult originated in Serbia itself.",
publisher = "Beograd : Filozofski fakultet - Institut za istoriju umetnosti",
journal = "Зограф",
title = "Нарочито поштоване иконе у средњовековној Србији / Highly venerated icons in medieval Serbia",
pages = "127-156",
volume = "44",
doi = "10.2298/ZOG2044127M",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12206"
}
Миљковић, Б.. (2020). Нарочито поштоване иконе у средњовековној Србији / Highly venerated icons in medieval Serbia. in Зограф
Beograd : Filozofski fakultet - Institut za istoriju umetnosti., 44, 127-156.
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZOG2044127M
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12206
Миљковић Б. Нарочито поштоване иконе у средњовековној Србији / Highly venerated icons in medieval Serbia. in Зограф. 2020;44:127-156.
doi:10.2298/ZOG2044127M
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12206 .
Миљковић, Бојан, "Нарочито поштоване иконе у средњовековној Србији / Highly venerated icons in medieval Serbia" in Зограф, 44 (2020):127-156,
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZOG2044127M .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12206 .

Завештања из архивa Манастира Светог Јована Продрома на Меникејској гори, код Сера (од краја XIII до средине XIV века)

Илић, Тамара

(Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ, 2020)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Илић, Тамара
PY  - 2020
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/10055
AB  - Acts of bequeathing, well-documented in Byzantine law, likewise other Medieval legal systems, provide a handful of information for researchers. One specific archive which beside public acts encompasses a multitude of private document, a multitude of private documents, was connected to the Monastery of Saint John the Forerunner, located at the Mt Menoikio, outside the city of Serres. Legal historians perusing those documents look for legal institutes rooted in classical Roman law, only to find that their purpose has been drastically changed throughout the time. Testamentum (will) and, especially, the other deeds of bequeathing show specific nature, whose main aspects are religious life and piety. In these terms, by reading about testator’s life and his aims for the future time, we also encounter an important personal message, addressed not only to his legal heirs, but also to a wider audience.
PB  - Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ
T2  - Гласови и слике : облици комуникације на средњевековном Балкану (IV-XVI век) / Voices and Images : modes of communication in the medieval Balkans (IVth-XVIth centuries)
T1  - Завештања из архивa Манастира Светог Јована Продрома на Меникејској гори, код Сера (од краја XIII до средине XIV века)
T1  - Bequests of the Archive of the Saint John Prodromos Monastery on Mount Menoikeion, near Serres (from the late 13th to mid–14th century)
SP  - 223
EP  - 242
VL  - 48
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10055
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Илић, Тамара",
year = "2020",
abstract = "Acts of bequeathing, well-documented in Byzantine law, likewise other Medieval legal systems, provide a handful of information for researchers. One specific archive which beside public acts encompasses a multitude of private document, a multitude of private documents, was connected to the Monastery of Saint John the Forerunner, located at the Mt Menoikio, outside the city of Serres. Legal historians perusing those documents look for legal institutes rooted in classical Roman law, only to find that their purpose has been drastically changed throughout the time. Testamentum (will) and, especially, the other deeds of bequeathing show specific nature, whose main aspects are religious life and piety. In these terms, by reading about testator’s life and his aims for the future time, we also encounter an important personal message, addressed not only to his legal heirs, but also to a wider audience.",
publisher = "Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ",
journal = "Гласови и слике : облици комуникације на средњевековном Балкану (IV-XVI век) / Voices and Images : modes of communication in the medieval Balkans (IVth-XVIth centuries)",
booktitle = "Завештања из архивa Манастира Светог Јована Продрома на Меникејској гори, код Сера (од краја XIII до средине XIV века), Bequests of the Archive of the Saint John Prodromos Monastery on Mount Menoikeion, near Serres (from the late 13th to mid–14th century)",
pages = "223-242",
volume = "48",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10055"
}
Илић, Т.. (2020). Завештања из архивa Манастира Светог Јована Продрома на Меникејској гори, код Сера (од краја XIII до средине XIV века). in Гласови и слике : облици комуникације на средњевековном Балкану (IV-XVI век) / Voices and Images : modes of communication in the medieval Balkans (IVth-XVIth centuries)
Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ., 48, 223-242.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10055
Илић Т. Завештања из архивa Манастира Светог Јована Продрома на Меникејској гори, код Сера (од краја XIII до средине XIV века). in Гласови и слике : облици комуникације на средњевековном Балкану (IV-XVI век) / Voices and Images : modes of communication in the medieval Balkans (IVth-XVIth centuries). 2020;48:223-242.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10055 .
Илић, Тамара, "Завештања из архивa Манастира Светог Јована Продрома на Меникејској гори, код Сера (од краја XIII до средине XIV века)" in Гласови и слике : облици комуникације на средњевековном Балкану (IV-XVI век) / Voices and Images : modes of communication in the medieval Balkans (IVth-XVIth centuries), 48 (2020):223-242,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10055 .

Чин исповести у јужнословенским рукописним књигама од почетка XIII до почетка XVI века

Бојанин, Станоје

(Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ, 2020)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Бојанин, Станоје
PY  - 2020
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/10054
AB  - This study is the result of research conducted on the text of the rite of confession based on approximately 50 unpublished South Slavonic manuscripts dating from the early 13th to the early 16th century, up to its first printed edition. The research offers much more accurate and detailed evidence confirming observations on the heterogeneity of the South Slavonic confessional rite. The study classifies the text of the rite of confession based on the type, the contents and the preserved South
Slavonic manuscripts. Research suggests two main textological circles that determine the order of the enactment of the rite. One group of texts belongs to the type of the service of confession of the Euchologium Sinaiticum, a Glagolitic service book dating from the 11th century, and the other belongs to the service of confession found in the Penitential Nomokanon of John the Faster (John Nesteutes). Both groups contain models that dictate the framework of the ritual for the Sacrament of Penance. These models could include questionnaires with premade questions, but usually there were long lists of “secret” sins about which
the penitent needed to be asked. Over time, owing to the influence of practice and the reconsideration of existing forms, the texts of the above-mentioned types of confession became entwined, creating new compilations and recensions of the text. By the end of the medieval period, the “Sinaitic” model survived as the main pillar of priestly ministry but in several younger recensional and sub-recensional forms. Research has distinguished its two late-medieval recensions (one of them had prevailed since about 1350) and thus there seem to have been three recensions of the “Sinaitic” service of confession in the period from the 11th to the early 16th century.
PB  - Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ
T2  - Гласови и слике : облици комуникације на средњевековном Балкану (IV-XVI век) / Voices and Images : modes of communication in the medieval Balkans (IVth-XVIth centuries)
T1  - Чин исповести у јужнословенским рукописним књигама од почетка XIII до почетка XVI века
T1  - The Rite of Confession in South Slavonic Manuscripts from the Early 13th to the Early 16th Centuries
SP  - 533
EP  - 571
VL  - 48
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10054
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Бојанин, Станоје",
year = "2020",
abstract = "This study is the result of research conducted on the text of the rite of confession based on approximately 50 unpublished South Slavonic manuscripts dating from the early 13th to the early 16th century, up to its first printed edition. The research offers much more accurate and detailed evidence confirming observations on the heterogeneity of the South Slavonic confessional rite. The study classifies the text of the rite of confession based on the type, the contents and the preserved South
Slavonic manuscripts. Research suggests two main textological circles that determine the order of the enactment of the rite. One group of texts belongs to the type of the service of confession of the Euchologium Sinaiticum, a Glagolitic service book dating from the 11th century, and the other belongs to the service of confession found in the Penitential Nomokanon of John the Faster (John Nesteutes). Both groups contain models that dictate the framework of the ritual for the Sacrament of Penance. These models could include questionnaires with premade questions, but usually there were long lists of “secret” sins about which
the penitent needed to be asked. Over time, owing to the influence of practice and the reconsideration of existing forms, the texts of the above-mentioned types of confession became entwined, creating new compilations and recensions of the text. By the end of the medieval period, the “Sinaitic” model survived as the main pillar of priestly ministry but in several younger recensional and sub-recensional forms. Research has distinguished its two late-medieval recensions (one of them had prevailed since about 1350) and thus there seem to have been three recensions of the “Sinaitic” service of confession in the period from the 11th to the early 16th century.",
publisher = "Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ",
journal = "Гласови и слике : облици комуникације на средњевековном Балкану (IV-XVI век) / Voices and Images : modes of communication in the medieval Balkans (IVth-XVIth centuries)",
booktitle = "Чин исповести у јужнословенским рукописним књигама од почетка XIII до почетка XVI века, The Rite of Confession in South Slavonic Manuscripts from the Early 13th to the Early 16th Centuries",
pages = "533-571",
volume = "48",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10054"
}
Бојанин, С.. (2020). Чин исповести у јужнословенским рукописним књигама од почетка XIII до почетка XVI века. in Гласови и слике : облици комуникације на средњевековном Балкану (IV-XVI век) / Voices and Images : modes of communication in the medieval Balkans (IVth-XVIth centuries)
Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ., 48, 533-571.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10054
Бојанин С. Чин исповести у јужнословенским рукописним књигама од почетка XIII до почетка XVI века. in Гласови и слике : облици комуникације на средњевековном Балкану (IV-XVI век) / Voices and Images : modes of communication in the medieval Balkans (IVth-XVIth centuries). 2020;48:533-571.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10054 .
Бојанин, Станоје, "Чин исповести у јужнословенским рукописним књигама од почетка XIII до почетка XVI века" in Гласови и слике : облици комуникације на средњевековном Балкану (IV-XVI век) / Voices and Images : modes of communication in the medieval Balkans (IVth-XVIth centuries), 48 (2020):533-571,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10054 .

Визуелна комуникација кроз средњовековне представе преноса моштију (translatio)

Милановић, Љубомир

(Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ, 2020)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Милановић, Љубомир
PY  - 2020
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/10051
AB  - Medieval representations of the ritual of translatio documented the circulation of relics both within and between medieval cultures. Reliquaries transmuted abject human remains into objects of veneration. Depictions of the ritual of translation charted this movement between the earthly and heavenly realms. Neither fully alive nor dead, the saint’s body was suspended in a state of perpetual non-decay and endowed with super-natural powers of healing and protection for the
faithful. This paper examines the mechanisms by which the ritual of translatio is represented visually as well as the iconographic signs and signifiers that make it recognizable. Based on written and visual sources, this paper explores the development of translatio scenes from late antiquity to the late fourteenth century, covering both Eastern and Western Christianity. This paper also discusses the meaning and role of the saints’ bodies in determining and forming the artistic representations of translatio.
PB  - Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ
T2  - Гласови и слике : облици комуникације на средњевековном Балкану (IV-XVI век) / Voices and Images : modes of communication in the medieval Balkans (IVth-XVIth centuries)
T1  - Визуелна комуникација кроз средњовековне представе преноса моштију (translatio)
T1  - Visual Communication through Medieval Representations of relic Translation (Translatio)
SP  - 381
EP  - 418
VL  - 48
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10051
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Милановић, Љубомир",
year = "2020",
abstract = "Medieval representations of the ritual of translatio documented the circulation of relics both within and between medieval cultures. Reliquaries transmuted abject human remains into objects of veneration. Depictions of the ritual of translation charted this movement between the earthly and heavenly realms. Neither fully alive nor dead, the saint’s body was suspended in a state of perpetual non-decay and endowed with super-natural powers of healing and protection for the
faithful. This paper examines the mechanisms by which the ritual of translatio is represented visually as well as the iconographic signs and signifiers that make it recognizable. Based on written and visual sources, this paper explores the development of translatio scenes from late antiquity to the late fourteenth century, covering both Eastern and Western Christianity. This paper also discusses the meaning and role of the saints’ bodies in determining and forming the artistic representations of translatio.",
publisher = "Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ",
journal = "Гласови и слике : облици комуникације на средњевековном Балкану (IV-XVI век) / Voices and Images : modes of communication in the medieval Balkans (IVth-XVIth centuries)",
booktitle = "Визуелна комуникација кроз средњовековне представе преноса моштију (translatio), Visual Communication through Medieval Representations of relic Translation (Translatio)",
pages = "381-418",
volume = "48",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10051"
}
Милановић, Љ.. (2020). Визуелна комуникација кроз средњовековне представе преноса моштију (translatio). in Гласови и слике : облици комуникације на средњевековном Балкану (IV-XVI век) / Voices and Images : modes of communication in the medieval Balkans (IVth-XVIth centuries)
Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ., 48, 381-418.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10051
Милановић Љ. Визуелна комуникација кроз средњовековне представе преноса моштију (translatio). in Гласови и слике : облици комуникације на средњевековном Балкану (IV-XVI век) / Voices and Images : modes of communication in the medieval Balkans (IVth-XVIth centuries). 2020;48:381-418.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10051 .
Милановић, Љубомир, "Визуелна комуникација кроз средњовековне представе преноса моштију (translatio)" in Гласови и слике : облици комуникације на средњевековном Балкану (IV-XVI век) / Voices and Images : modes of communication in the medieval Balkans (IVth-XVIth centuries), 48 (2020):381-418,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10051 .

„Жив и приповедајући глас” Ромејске историје Нићифора Григоре

Павловић, Бојана

(Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ, 2020)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Павловић, Бојана
PY  - 2020
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/10050
AB  - This paper focuses on Gregoras’ perception of history and the importance of historical writing, as well as highlighting the main points in his work, which reflect his understanding of a historian’s
task: what to present and how to present it. Special attention is, therefore, paid to the introductions to his Roman History, for it is well-known that the historical work of Gregoras contains not one, but
two main prooimia. In the long period of its creation (1328/9–1361), The Roman History changed its character and its envisioned purpose.
However, the principles of its author, in respect to the perception of historical truth, remained unchanged and were skillfully woven into Gregoras’ entire work. The existence of “opposing historiography” is also pointed out by the historian, but it was the “vivid and loquacious
voice” of Gregoras’ work that survived the centuries and was preserved for posterity.
PB  - Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ
T2  - Гласови и слике : облици комуникације на средњевековном Балкану (IV-XVI век) / Voices and Images : modes of communication in the medieval Balkans (IVth-XVIth centuries)
T1  - „Жив и приповедајући глас” Ромејске историје Нићифора Григоре
T1  - “Vivid and Loquacious Voice” of The Roman History of Nikephoros Gregoras
SP  - 165
EP  - 198
VL  - 48
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10050
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Павловић, Бојана",
year = "2020",
abstract = "This paper focuses on Gregoras’ perception of history and the importance of historical writing, as well as highlighting the main points in his work, which reflect his understanding of a historian’s
task: what to present and how to present it. Special attention is, therefore, paid to the introductions to his Roman History, for it is well-known that the historical work of Gregoras contains not one, but
two main prooimia. In the long period of its creation (1328/9–1361), The Roman History changed its character and its envisioned purpose.
However, the principles of its author, in respect to the perception of historical truth, remained unchanged and were skillfully woven into Gregoras’ entire work. The existence of “opposing historiography” is also pointed out by the historian, but it was the “vivid and loquacious
voice” of Gregoras’ work that survived the centuries and was preserved for posterity.",
publisher = "Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ",
journal = "Гласови и слике : облици комуникације на средњевековном Балкану (IV-XVI век) / Voices and Images : modes of communication in the medieval Balkans (IVth-XVIth centuries)",
booktitle = "„Жив и приповедајући глас” Ромејске историје Нићифора Григоре, “Vivid and Loquacious Voice” of The Roman History of Nikephoros Gregoras",
pages = "165-198",
volume = "48",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10050"
}
Павловић, Б.. (2020). „Жив и приповедајући глас” Ромејске историје Нићифора Григоре. in Гласови и слике : облици комуникације на средњевековном Балкану (IV-XVI век) / Voices and Images : modes of communication in the medieval Balkans (IVth-XVIth centuries)
Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ., 48, 165-198.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10050
Павловић Б. „Жив и приповедајући глас” Ромејске историје Нићифора Григоре. in Гласови и слике : облици комуникације на средњевековном Балкану (IV-XVI век) / Voices and Images : modes of communication in the medieval Balkans (IVth-XVIth centuries). 2020;48:165-198.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10050 .
Павловић, Бојана, "„Жив и приповедајући глас” Ромејске историје Нићифора Григоре" in Гласови и слике : облици комуникације на средњевековном Балкану (IV-XVI век) / Voices and Images : modes of communication in the medieval Balkans (IVth-XVIth centuries), 48 (2020):165-198,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10050 .

Illegal Traffic: The Case of the Translatio o of St. Nicholas in Bari

Милановић, Љубомир

(Београд : Правни факултет Универзитета Унион у Београду, 2020)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Милановић, Љубомир
PY  - 2020
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/10057
AB  - The building program at the Archbishopric of Peć achieved its final form with the projects undertaken by the archbishop Danilo II (1324–1337). To the south of the Virgin Hodegetria, Danilo II added a parekklesion dedicated to St. Nicholas. During the seventeenth century, Patriarch Maximus (1655–1674 died 1680) decided to build a tomb for himself in front of the chapel and also to restore and re-paint it. Unable to replicate the old program, Patriarch Maksim devised his own, unique program, which was executed by the painter Radul. A fresco cycle dedicated to the life and wonders of St. Nicholas, which include scenes of the translatio of his relics from Myra to Bari in 1087, dominates the chapel and its vault. The motif of the ‘translatio’ of St. Nicholas’ relics, either as an individual composition, or as part of a large cycle of his life and miracles, was not a subject found in Serbian or Byzantine medieval art. The so-called illegal translation, or furta sacra, was never recognized by the Byzantine church in Constantinople. For that reason, the date of the translation was not introduced in the church calendar. It would be accepted in Medieval Russia and later in Serbia, but not depicted. Both orthodox churches accepted the date of translation as May 9th / 22th and included it in the liturgical calendar. This paper will elucidate the iconographic development of the translation of the relics of St. Nicholas in Serbian post -Byzantine art under the renewed Patriarchate of Peć. The possible origin of the scene in Serbian art will be discussed, as well as a reason for including the feast of the translation of St. Nicholas’ relics in the calendar of the Serbian Orthodox church.
PB  - Београд : Правни факултет Универзитета Унион у Београду
PB  - Београд : ЈП „Службени гласник“
T2  - ΝΟΜΟΦΥΛΑΞ Зборник радова у част Срђана Шаркића / NOMOPHYLAX Collection of papers in honor of Srđan Šarkić
T1  - Illegal Traffic: The Case of the Translatio o of St. Nicholas in Bari
T1  - Илегални транспорт : случај преноса моштију Светог Николе у Бари
SP  - 395
EP  - 422
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10057
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Милановић, Љубомир",
year = "2020",
abstract = "The building program at the Archbishopric of Peć achieved its final form with the projects undertaken by the archbishop Danilo II (1324–1337). To the south of the Virgin Hodegetria, Danilo II added a parekklesion dedicated to St. Nicholas. During the seventeenth century, Patriarch Maximus (1655–1674 died 1680) decided to build a tomb for himself in front of the chapel and also to restore and re-paint it. Unable to replicate the old program, Patriarch Maksim devised his own, unique program, which was executed by the painter Radul. A fresco cycle dedicated to the life and wonders of St. Nicholas, which include scenes of the translatio of his relics from Myra to Bari in 1087, dominates the chapel and its vault. The motif of the ‘translatio’ of St. Nicholas’ relics, either as an individual composition, or as part of a large cycle of his life and miracles, was not a subject found in Serbian or Byzantine medieval art. The so-called illegal translation, or furta sacra, was never recognized by the Byzantine church in Constantinople. For that reason, the date of the translation was not introduced in the church calendar. It would be accepted in Medieval Russia and later in Serbia, but not depicted. Both orthodox churches accepted the date of translation as May 9th / 22th and included it in the liturgical calendar. This paper will elucidate the iconographic development of the translation of the relics of St. Nicholas in Serbian post -Byzantine art under the renewed Patriarchate of Peć. The possible origin of the scene in Serbian art will be discussed, as well as a reason for including the feast of the translation of St. Nicholas’ relics in the calendar of the Serbian Orthodox church.",
publisher = "Београд : Правни факултет Универзитета Унион у Београду, Београд : ЈП „Службени гласник“",
journal = "ΝΟΜΟΦΥΛΑΞ Зборник радова у част Срђана Шаркића / NOMOPHYLAX Collection of papers in honor of Srđan Šarkić",
booktitle = "Illegal Traffic: The Case of the Translatio o of St. Nicholas in Bari, Илегални транспорт : случај преноса моштију Светог Николе у Бари",
pages = "395-422",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10057"
}
Милановић, Љ.. (2020). Illegal Traffic: The Case of the Translatio o of St. Nicholas in Bari. in ΝΟΜΟΦΥΛΑΞ Зборник радова у част Срђана Шаркића / NOMOPHYLAX Collection of papers in honor of Srđan Šarkić
Београд : Правни факултет Универзитета Унион у Београду., 395-422.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10057
Милановић Љ. Illegal Traffic: The Case of the Translatio o of St. Nicholas in Bari. in ΝΟΜΟΦΥΛΑΞ Зборник радова у част Срђана Шаркића / NOMOPHYLAX Collection of papers in honor of Srđan Šarkić. 2020;:395-422.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10057 .
Милановић, Љубомир, "Illegal Traffic: The Case of the Translatio o of St. Nicholas in Bari" in ΝΟΜΟΦΥΛΑΞ Зборник радова у част Срђана Шаркића / NOMOPHYLAX Collection of papers in honor of Srđan Šarkić (2020):395-422,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10057 .

Белерофонт кроти Пегаза : златни прстен из Породина код Алексинца

Милановић, Љубомир; Пилиповић, Сања

(Сврљиг : Центар за туризам, културу и спорт, 2019)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Милановић, Љубомир
AU  - Пилиповић, Сања
PY  - 2019
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/12896
AB  - Златни прстен са гемом од вишеслојног опала са представом Пегаза и Белерофонт
пориче потиче из Породина код Алексинца, данас се чува у Народном музеју у Београду. У
раду се истражује приказана тема, и указује се, колико је то могуће, на везу са археолошким
локалитетом „Градиште“ у селу Породин, одакле и потиче ово изузетно дело римског
златарства.
AB  - L’Anello d’oro con la gemma di opalo con figurazioni di Pegaso e Bellerofonte fu rinvenuto a Porodin, vicino ad Aleksinac, mentre oggi è conservato nel Museo Nazionale a Belgrado. L’argomento di questo studio si focalizza sul tema rappresentato, e si tenterà di individuare, per quanto sia possibile, il legame con la località di „Gradište“ nel paese di Porodin, dove è stato rinvenuto questo capolavoro di orefeceria romana.
PB  - Сврљиг : Центар за туризам, културу и спорт
T2  - Етно-културолошки зборник
T1  - Белерофонт кроти Пегаза : златни прстен из Породина код Алексинца
T1  - Bellerofonte che doma Pegaso : anello d’oro da Porodin vicino ad Aleksinac
SP  - 9
EP  - 21
VL  - 22
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12896
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Милановић, Љубомир and Пилиповић, Сања",
year = "2019",
abstract = "Златни прстен са гемом од вишеслојног опала са представом Пегаза и Белерофонт
пориче потиче из Породина код Алексинца, данас се чува у Народном музеју у Београду. У
раду се истражује приказана тема, и указује се, колико је то могуће, на везу са археолошким
локалитетом „Градиште“ у селу Породин, одакле и потиче ово изузетно дело римског
златарства., L’Anello d’oro con la gemma di opalo con figurazioni di Pegaso e Bellerofonte fu rinvenuto a Porodin, vicino ad Aleksinac, mentre oggi è conservato nel Museo Nazionale a Belgrado. L’argomento di questo studio si focalizza sul tema rappresentato, e si tenterà di individuare, per quanto sia possibile, il legame con la località di „Gradište“ nel paese di Porodin, dove è stato rinvenuto questo capolavoro di orefeceria romana.",
publisher = "Сврљиг : Центар за туризам, културу и спорт",
journal = "Етно-културолошки зборник",
booktitle = "Белерофонт кроти Пегаза : златни прстен из Породина код Алексинца, Bellerofonte che doma Pegaso : anello d’oro da Porodin vicino ad Aleksinac",
pages = "9-21",
volume = "22",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12896"
}
Милановић, Љ.,& Пилиповић, С.. (2019). Белерофонт кроти Пегаза : златни прстен из Породина код Алексинца. in Етно-културолошки зборник
Сврљиг : Центар за туризам, културу и спорт., 22, 9-21.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12896
Милановић Љ, Пилиповић С. Белерофонт кроти Пегаза : златни прстен из Породина код Алексинца. in Етно-културолошки зборник. 2019;22:9-21.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12896 .
Милановић, Љубомир, Пилиповић, Сања, "Белерофонт кроти Пегаза : златни прстен из Породина код Алексинца" in Етно-културолошки зборник, 22 (2019):9-21,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12896 .

Основе византијског пограничног војно-управног уређења од VII до X века

Цветковић, Милош

(Косовска Митровица : Правни факултет Универзитета у Приштини са привременим седиштем у Косовској Митровици, 2019)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Цветковић, Милош
PY  - 2019
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/12901
AB  - У тексту су изложени резултати проучавања византијског пограничног војно-управног система, који је од VII до X века функционисао на рубним подручјима територијалног језгра Ромејског царства: малоазијској и балканској граници, као и Егејском архипелагу. Реч је о милитаризованом режиму, састављеном од клисура у континенталном делу и јединица са друнгаријима на челу у острвским подручјима. У мери у којој извори то допуштају приказана је еволуција поменутог система и пружен осврт на потенцијалне надлежности носилаца власти у њему.
AB  - The paper explores the foundations of the military and administrative organization of the Byzantine borderlands from the 7th to the 10th century. On the frontiers in Asia Minor and the Balkans as well as in the Aegean Basin a separate military defensive regime was implemented. It was made up of kleisourai in the continental part of the Empire and of units headed by drouggarioi in island areas.
PB  - Косовска Митровица : Правни факултет Универзитета у Приштини са привременим седиштем у Косовској Митровици
T2  - Зборник радова „Право у функцији развоја друштва I”
T1  - Основе византијског пограничног војно-управног уређења од VII до X века
T1  - The Foundations of the Military and Administrative Organization of the Byzantine Borderlands from the 7th to the 10th Century
SP  - 267
EP  - 293
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12901
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Цветковић, Милош",
year = "2019",
abstract = "У тексту су изложени резултати проучавања византијског пограничног војно-управног система, који је од VII до X века функционисао на рубним подручјима територијалног језгра Ромејског царства: малоазијској и балканској граници, као и Егејском архипелагу. Реч је о милитаризованом режиму, састављеном од клисура у континенталном делу и јединица са друнгаријима на челу у острвским подручјима. У мери у којој извори то допуштају приказана је еволуција поменутог система и пружен осврт на потенцијалне надлежности носилаца власти у њему., The paper explores the foundations of the military and administrative organization of the Byzantine borderlands from the 7th to the 10th century. On the frontiers in Asia Minor and the Balkans as well as in the Aegean Basin a separate military defensive regime was implemented. It was made up of kleisourai in the continental part of the Empire and of units headed by drouggarioi in island areas.",
publisher = "Косовска Митровица : Правни факултет Универзитета у Приштини са привременим седиштем у Косовској Митровици",
journal = "Зборник радова „Право у функцији развоја друштва I”",
booktitle = "Основе византијског пограничног војно-управног уређења од VII до X века, The Foundations of the Military and Administrative Organization of the Byzantine Borderlands from the 7th to the 10th Century",
pages = "267-293",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12901"
}
Цветковић, М.. (2019). Основе византијског пограничног војно-управног уређења од VII до X века. in Зборник радова „Право у функцији развоја друштва I”
Косовска Митровица : Правни факултет Универзитета у Приштини са привременим седиштем у Косовској Митровици., 267-293.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12901
Цветковић М. Основе византијског пограничног војно-управног уређења од VII до X века. in Зборник радова „Право у функцији развоја друштва I”. 2019;:267-293.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12901 .
Цветковић, Милош, "Основе византијског пограничног војно-управног уређења од VII до X века" in Зборник радова „Право у функцији развоја друштва I” (2019):267-293,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12901 .

Принципи интеграције неромејских етничких скупина у тематски систем на Балкану

Цветковић, Милош

(Ниш : Град Ниш, 2019)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Цветковић, Милош
PY  - 2019
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/12898
AB  - In the early 7th century the Byzantine Empire faced a crisis that deeply shook its foundations. The Late Roman military and administrative system collapsed and the socioeconomic pillars of the state crumbled under an onslaught of invading armies. However, the medieval Byzantine Empire rose from the shaken foundations of the Late Roman world, finding a foothold in and drawing its strength from a militarized administrative system known in scholarship as the theme system.
Restoring its power in the Balkans from the 7th to the 11th century, Byzantium encountered various peoples whose different language, religion, laws and customs distinguished them from the Rhōmaioi. In view of these distinctive features, these peoples were integrated into the theme system on a special basis, with a certain degree of self-government. Various means were used in their integration, and the choice of the means used depended primarily on the way each of these individual ethnic groups had come into contact with the Byzantine territory and on the nature of its relations with the Empire. To reflect this fact, non-Rhomaic ethnic groups examined here have been grouped into three categories.
The first group includes newly settled peoples that had conquered former Byzantine territories by the sword, such as the Slavs and Bulgars. In contrast, the second group includes the native population, i.e. the descendants of the former inhabitants of the Roman Empire, who had lost direct territorial and political ties to their motherland due to the settlement of Slavs and Bulgars. This led to their decades-long and, in some cases, even centuries-long isolation, which meant that they developed their own forms of self-government, detaching their identity from that of their mother state. This group includes the Sermesians, Vlachs and Peloponnesian Mainotes. The third group comprises the peoples who arrived in the Balkans owing to colonization measures implemented by Constantinople, such as the Mardaites and Khurramites.
The Slavs and Bulgars, who had captured Rhomaic territories by force, i.e. without the Empire’s consent, were to be subjugated by force. On the other hand, the integration or, more accurately, reintegration of isolated indigenous groups or peoples who had arrived as the result of planned settlement and hence did not engage in hostilities against the imperial authorities, was usually implemented without resorting to violence; the only exception was the forced dispersion of Khurramites throughout the Empire after their revolt. Extant sources inform us about two main types of military-administrative divisions used to integrate non-Rhomaic communities into the theme system in the Balkans from the 7th to the 11th century: ethnic archontiai and tourmai.
An archontia was the usual form of organization for peoples with a developed selfgovernment which had only been sanctioned by Constantinople and as such integrated into its provincial framework. This practice was usual for newly settled peoples such as the Slavs, who had brought their own traditional form of government, as well as for indigenous groups, who had, having lived for decades or centuries amidst a sea of newcomers, developed their own autochthonous organs.
An ethnic tourma enjoyed a slightly lower degree of self-government than an archontia. This form of governance was characteristic of tribes and peoples under Constantinople’s tighter control – groups that had been settled as the result of colonization measures.
In the case of most ethnarchies in the south of the Peninsula, both Slavic and indigenous, integration into the theme system was completed by the mid-10th century. In the second half of the 10th century the Empire began to experience a great surge in military power, which allowed Constantinople to finalize the process of reoccupation in the Balkans and the integration of local peoples into the Byzantine military-administrative system. The final step in this process was the defeat of Samuil and his successors at the hands of Basil II. Basil’s policy of introducing new civilian and military government after 1018 excluded the existence of self-governing territorial divisions rooted in the ethnic characteristics of the local population. Although some themes from this period had ethnonyms in their names, they cannot be considered as autonomous forms of administration. For the Balkan Slavs, the only means of manifesting their distinctive identity was the autocephalous Archbishopric of Ohrid with Slavonic as its liturgical language. However, the results of Basil’s actions were eventually put to the test, as evidenced by the later rebellions of Serbs and Bulgars. Therefore, the Byzantine policy of integrating non-Rhomaic ethnic groups can be seen as a lasting success only in the case of the sklabēniai in the southern Balkans and the abovementioned indigenous groups and colonized communities in the southern part of the Peninsula.
PB  - Ниш : Град Ниш
PB  - Ниш : Универзитет у Нишу
PB  - Ниш : Православна Епархија нишка
PB  - Ниш : Нишки културни центар
T2  - Ниш и Византија XVII
T1  - Принципи интеграције неромејских етничких скупина у тематски систем на Балкану
SP  - 75
EP  - 96
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12898
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Цветковић, Милош",
year = "2019",
abstract = "In the early 7th century the Byzantine Empire faced a crisis that deeply shook its foundations. The Late Roman military and administrative system collapsed and the socioeconomic pillars of the state crumbled under an onslaught of invading armies. However, the medieval Byzantine Empire rose from the shaken foundations of the Late Roman world, finding a foothold in and drawing its strength from a militarized administrative system known in scholarship as the theme system.
Restoring its power in the Balkans from the 7th to the 11th century, Byzantium encountered various peoples whose different language, religion, laws and customs distinguished them from the Rhōmaioi. In view of these distinctive features, these peoples were integrated into the theme system on a special basis, with a certain degree of self-government. Various means were used in their integration, and the choice of the means used depended primarily on the way each of these individual ethnic groups had come into contact with the Byzantine territory and on the nature of its relations with the Empire. To reflect this fact, non-Rhomaic ethnic groups examined here have been grouped into three categories.
The first group includes newly settled peoples that had conquered former Byzantine territories by the sword, such as the Slavs and Bulgars. In contrast, the second group includes the native population, i.e. the descendants of the former inhabitants of the Roman Empire, who had lost direct territorial and political ties to their motherland due to the settlement of Slavs and Bulgars. This led to their decades-long and, in some cases, even centuries-long isolation, which meant that they developed their own forms of self-government, detaching their identity from that of their mother state. This group includes the Sermesians, Vlachs and Peloponnesian Mainotes. The third group comprises the peoples who arrived in the Balkans owing to colonization measures implemented by Constantinople, such as the Mardaites and Khurramites.
The Slavs and Bulgars, who had captured Rhomaic territories by force, i.e. without the Empire’s consent, were to be subjugated by force. On the other hand, the integration or, more accurately, reintegration of isolated indigenous groups or peoples who had arrived as the result of planned settlement and hence did not engage in hostilities against the imperial authorities, was usually implemented without resorting to violence; the only exception was the forced dispersion of Khurramites throughout the Empire after their revolt. Extant sources inform us about two main types of military-administrative divisions used to integrate non-Rhomaic communities into the theme system in the Balkans from the 7th to the 11th century: ethnic archontiai and tourmai.
An archontia was the usual form of organization for peoples with a developed selfgovernment which had only been sanctioned by Constantinople and as such integrated into its provincial framework. This practice was usual for newly settled peoples such as the Slavs, who had brought their own traditional form of government, as well as for indigenous groups, who had, having lived for decades or centuries amidst a sea of newcomers, developed their own autochthonous organs.
An ethnic tourma enjoyed a slightly lower degree of self-government than an archontia. This form of governance was characteristic of tribes and peoples under Constantinople’s tighter control – groups that had been settled as the result of colonization measures.
In the case of most ethnarchies in the south of the Peninsula, both Slavic and indigenous, integration into the theme system was completed by the mid-10th century. In the second half of the 10th century the Empire began to experience a great surge in military power, which allowed Constantinople to finalize the process of reoccupation in the Balkans and the integration of local peoples into the Byzantine military-administrative system. The final step in this process was the defeat of Samuil and his successors at the hands of Basil II. Basil’s policy of introducing new civilian and military government after 1018 excluded the existence of self-governing territorial divisions rooted in the ethnic characteristics of the local population. Although some themes from this period had ethnonyms in their names, they cannot be considered as autonomous forms of administration. For the Balkan Slavs, the only means of manifesting their distinctive identity was the autocephalous Archbishopric of Ohrid with Slavonic as its liturgical language. However, the results of Basil’s actions were eventually put to the test, as evidenced by the later rebellions of Serbs and Bulgars. Therefore, the Byzantine policy of integrating non-Rhomaic ethnic groups can be seen as a lasting success only in the case of the sklabēniai in the southern Balkans and the abovementioned indigenous groups and colonized communities in the southern part of the Peninsula.",
publisher = "Ниш : Град Ниш, Ниш : Универзитет у Нишу, Ниш : Православна Епархија нишка, Ниш : Нишки културни центар",
journal = "Ниш и Византија XVII",
booktitle = "Принципи интеграције неромејских етничких скупина у тематски систем на Балкану",
pages = "75-96",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12898"
}
Цветковић, М.. (2019). Принципи интеграције неромејских етничких скупина у тематски систем на Балкану. in Ниш и Византија XVII
Ниш : Град Ниш., 75-96.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12898
Цветковић М. Принципи интеграције неромејских етничких скупина у тематски систем на Балкану. in Ниш и Византија XVII. 2019;:75-96.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12898 .
Цветковић, Милош, "Принципи интеграције неромејских етничких скупина у тематски систем на Балкану" in Ниш и Византија XVII (2019):75-96,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12898 .

Једна претпоставка о пореклу и административном положају Вардариота у Византији

Цветковић, Милош

(Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ, 2019)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Цветковић, Милош
PY  - 2019
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/8503
AB  - Рад садржи резултате проучавања појединих сегмената повести Вардариота.
Полазећи од начелно прихваћене тезе у науци о њиховим мађарским коренима, аутор
је покушао да пружи одговор на питања када и на који начин су Вардариоти доспели
на тло Византије. У наставку текста изнета је и претпоставка у вези са еволуцијом административног статуса вардариотске заједнице у Царству од почетка X века, када се
први пут помињу у изворима, до почетка XIII столећа, када је округ у којем су живели
недвосмислено посведочен као једна од царских провинција/тема.
AB  - The paper presents the results of research on some segments in the history of the Vardariōtai. Starting from the generally accepted premise of their Hungarian roots, the author attempts to answer the questions of when and how the Vardariōtai made their way to the Byzantine Empire. The text also proposes a hypothesis about the evolution of the administrative status of the Vardariote community in the Empire from the early 10th century (the first reference to them in the sources) to the early 13th century, when the district they inhabited was unambiguously confirmed as an imperial province/theme.
PB  - Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ
T2  - Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ
T1  - Једна претпоставка о пореклу и административном положају Вардариота у Византији
T1  - A hypothesis about the origin and administrative status of the Vardariōtai in the Byzantine Empire
SP  - 19
EP  - 38
VL  - 56
DO  - 10.2298/ZRVI1956019C
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_8503
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Цветковић, Милош",
year = "2019",
abstract = "Рад садржи резултате проучавања појединих сегмената повести Вардариота.
Полазећи од начелно прихваћене тезе у науци о њиховим мађарским коренима, аутор
је покушао да пружи одговор на питања када и на који начин су Вардариоти доспели
на тло Византије. У наставку текста изнета је и претпоставка у вези са еволуцијом административног статуса вардариотске заједнице у Царству од почетка X века, када се
први пут помињу у изворима, до почетка XIII столећа, када је округ у којем су живели
недвосмислено посведочен као једна од царских провинција/тема., The paper presents the results of research on some segments in the history of the Vardariōtai. Starting from the generally accepted premise of their Hungarian roots, the author attempts to answer the questions of when and how the Vardariōtai made their way to the Byzantine Empire. The text also proposes a hypothesis about the evolution of the administrative status of the Vardariote community in the Empire from the early 10th century (the first reference to them in the sources) to the early 13th century, when the district they inhabited was unambiguously confirmed as an imperial province/theme.",
publisher = "Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ",
journal = "Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ",
title = "Једна претпоставка о пореклу и административном положају Вардариота у Византији, A hypothesis about the origin and administrative status of the Vardariōtai in the Byzantine Empire",
pages = "19-38",
volume = "56",
doi = "10.2298/ZRVI1956019C",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_8503"
}
Цветковић, М.. (2019). Једна претпоставка о пореклу и административном положају Вардариота у Византији. in Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ
Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ., 56, 19-38.
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1956019C
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_8503
Цветковић М. Једна претпоставка о пореклу и административном положају Вардариота у Византији. in Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ. 2019;56:19-38.
doi:10.2298/ZRVI1956019C
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_8503 .
Цветковић, Милош, "Једна претпоставка о пореклу и административном положају Вардариота у Византији" in Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ, 56 (2019):19-38,
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1956019C .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_8503 .

Значај завештања сачуваних у светoгорским архивама за историју права

Матовић, Тамара

(Београд : Друштво пријатеља Свете Горе Атонске, 2019)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Матовић, Тамара
PY  - 2019
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/12707
AB  - У средишту пажње су завештања из светогорских архива из временског распона од четири века. Најстарији документ потиче из 1036, а најмлађи из 1445. године.
AB  - The focus is on bequests from the Mount Athos archives from a time span of four centuries. The earliest document dates from 1036 and the latest from 1445.
PB  - Београд : Друштво пријатеља Свете Горе Атонске
PB  - Београд : Задужбина Светог манастира Хиландара
T2  - Десета казивања о Светој гори
T1  - Значај завештања сачуваних у светoгорским архивама за историју права
SP  - 41
EP  - 59
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12707
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Матовић, Тамара",
year = "2019",
abstract = "У средишту пажње су завештања из светогорских архива из временског распона од четири века. Најстарији документ потиче из 1036, а најмлађи из 1445. године., The focus is on bequests from the Mount Athos archives from a time span of four centuries. The earliest document dates from 1036 and the latest from 1445.",
publisher = "Београд : Друштво пријатеља Свете Горе Атонске, Београд : Задужбина Светог манастира Хиландара",
journal = "Десета казивања о Светој гори",
booktitle = "Значај завештања сачуваних у светoгорским архивама за историју права",
pages = "41-59",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12707"
}
Матовић, Т.. (2019). Значај завештања сачуваних у светoгорским архивама за историју права. in Десета казивања о Светој гори
Београд : Друштво пријатеља Свете Горе Атонске., 41-59.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12707
Матовић Т. Значај завештања сачуваних у светoгорским архивама за историју права. in Десета казивања о Светој гори. 2019;:41-59.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12707 .
Матовић, Тамара, "Значај завештања сачуваних у светoгорским архивама за историју права" in Десета казивања о Светој гори (2019):41-59,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12707 .

Some Remarks on the Divergences in the Narrative of George Akropolites and Theodore Skoutariotes

Pavlović, Bojana

(Volgograd State University, 2019)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Pavlović, Bojana
PY  - 2019
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/7266
AB  - This paper deals with the differences between the texts of the two main sources for the 13th century Byzantine history – Χρονικx συγγραφή of George Akropolites and Σύνοψις χρονική of Theodore Skoutariotes – who give an account of the events from 1204 to 1261. The Chronicle of Theodore Skoutariotes relies on the historical work of George Akropolites to a great extent, although significant additions to or omissions from Akropolites’ narrative can be noticed. The greatest divergence from the text of Akropolites is in the portrayal of the Laskarid emperors and the first Palaiologos, Michael VIII. Skoutariotes expressed positive attitude towards the Laskarids in the praises of their imperial virtues. In respect to Michael VIII, however, Skoutariotes tended to mitigate the excessive commendation of Akropolites by omitting certain epithets, or, by a careful word play that sometimes resulted in completely opposite statements compared with the ones we find in Akropolites. The differences in the accounts of the two writers can be explained by Skoutariotes’ employment of other sources, unknown to us today, and also by the fact that he included his eye-witness account in the Chronicle he compiled. The additional details provided by Skoutariotes are corroborated with the information we find in other surviving sources, a fact which
gives his testimony much more significance than previously believed. Apart from that, the author rises an important question of the employment of Skoutariotes’ Chronicle by later historians. The article consists of the following sections: Introduction; George Akropolites and Theodore Skoutariotes. Their works; Methodology; Results and general remarks; as well as Divergences concerning the reign of Theodore I Laskaris (1205–1221); John III Vatatzes (1221–1254), Theodore II Laskaris (1254–1258); Michael VIII Palaiologos (1259–1282); and Conclusion.
AB  - Исследование нацелено на анализ различий между текстами двух основных источников по
византийской истории XIII в. – «Χρονικx συγγραφή» Георгия Акрополита и «Σύνοψις χρονική» Феодора Скутариота. Обе хроники описывают события 1204–1261 годов. «Хроника» Феодора Скутариота опирается на исторический труд Георгия Акрополита. Следуя ему, Феодор Скутариот охватывает обширный период истории Никейской империи и последующих лет. Он делает значительные добавления или пропуски. Наиболее значимым различием двух исторических трудов оказывается изображение императоров династии Ласкаридов и первого Палеолога – Михаила VIII. Положительное отношение к Ласкаридам Феодор Скутариот выразил в похвалах их императорских добродетелей. Однако относительно Михаила VIII Феодор Скутариот стремится удержаться от непомерных восхвалений, характерных для Георгия Акрополита. Феодор Скутариот отказывается от использования некоторых эпитетов, или, играя словами, добивается прямо противополож-
ного эффекта своих высказываний в сравнении с «Хроникой» Георгия Акрополита. Различия в изложении исторических событий у двух писателей могут отчасти объясняться использованием отличных, не дошедших до сегодняшнего дня, источников. Сыграл свою роль тот факт, что Феодор Скутариот являлся очевидцем некоторых описываемых им в его «Хронике» событий. Другие сохранившиеся источники позволяют увидеть особую значимость свидетельств Феодора Скутариота о разных событиях, которая историографии
явно недооценена. Важен и интересен вопрос об использовании «Хроники» Феодора Скутариота византийскими историками последующего времени. Статья состоит из разделов «Введение», «Георгий Акрополит и Феодор Скутариот. Их труды», «Методология», «Результаты и общие замечания», в том числе разделы «Расхождения, касающиеся правления Феодора I Ласкариса (1205–1221)», «Иоанн III Ватаци (1221–1254)», «Феодор II Ласкарис (1254–1258)», «Михаил VIII Палеолог (1259–1282)», и «Заключение».
PB  - Volgograd State University
T2  - Вестник Волгоградского государственного университета
T1  - Some Remarks on the Divergences in the Narrative of George Akropolites and Theodore Skoutariotes
T1  - Некоторые замечания к расхождениям в нарративе Георгия Акрополита и Феодора Скутариота
SP  - 150
EP  - 172
VL  - 24
IS  - 6
DO  - 10.15688/jvolsu4.2019.6.13
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7266
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Pavlović, Bojana",
year = "2019",
abstract = "This paper deals with the differences between the texts of the two main sources for the 13th century Byzantine history – Χρονικx συγγραφή of George Akropolites and Σύνοψις χρονική of Theodore Skoutariotes – who give an account of the events from 1204 to 1261. The Chronicle of Theodore Skoutariotes relies on the historical work of George Akropolites to a great extent, although significant additions to or omissions from Akropolites’ narrative can be noticed. The greatest divergence from the text of Akropolites is in the portrayal of the Laskarid emperors and the first Palaiologos, Michael VIII. Skoutariotes expressed positive attitude towards the Laskarids in the praises of their imperial virtues. In respect to Michael VIII, however, Skoutariotes tended to mitigate the excessive commendation of Akropolites by omitting certain epithets, or, by a careful word play that sometimes resulted in completely opposite statements compared with the ones we find in Akropolites. The differences in the accounts of the two writers can be explained by Skoutariotes’ employment of other sources, unknown to us today, and also by the fact that he included his eye-witness account in the Chronicle he compiled. The additional details provided by Skoutariotes are corroborated with the information we find in other surviving sources, a fact which
gives his testimony much more significance than previously believed. Apart from that, the author rises an important question of the employment of Skoutariotes’ Chronicle by later historians. The article consists of the following sections: Introduction; George Akropolites and Theodore Skoutariotes. Their works; Methodology; Results and general remarks; as well as Divergences concerning the reign of Theodore I Laskaris (1205–1221); John III Vatatzes (1221–1254), Theodore II Laskaris (1254–1258); Michael VIII Palaiologos (1259–1282); and Conclusion., Исследование нацелено на анализ различий между текстами двух основных источников по
византийской истории XIII в. – «Χρονικx συγγραφή» Георгия Акрополита и «Σύνοψις χρονική» Феодора Скутариота. Обе хроники описывают события 1204–1261 годов. «Хроника» Феодора Скутариота опирается на исторический труд Георгия Акрополита. Следуя ему, Феодор Скутариот охватывает обширный период истории Никейской империи и последующих лет. Он делает значительные добавления или пропуски. Наиболее значимым различием двух исторических трудов оказывается изображение императоров династии Ласкаридов и первого Палеолога – Михаила VIII. Положительное отношение к Ласкаридам Феодор Скутариот выразил в похвалах их императорских добродетелей. Однако относительно Михаила VIII Феодор Скутариот стремится удержаться от непомерных восхвалений, характерных для Георгия Акрополита. Феодор Скутариот отказывается от использования некоторых эпитетов, или, играя словами, добивается прямо противополож-
ного эффекта своих высказываний в сравнении с «Хроникой» Георгия Акрополита. Различия в изложении исторических событий у двух писателей могут отчасти объясняться использованием отличных, не дошедших до сегодняшнего дня, источников. Сыграл свою роль тот факт, что Феодор Скутариот являлся очевидцем некоторых описываемых им в его «Хронике» событий. Другие сохранившиеся источники позволяют увидеть особую значимость свидетельств Феодора Скутариота о разных событиях, которая историографии
явно недооценена. Важен и интересен вопрос об использовании «Хроники» Феодора Скутариота византийскими историками последующего времени. Статья состоит из разделов «Введение», «Георгий Акрополит и Феодор Скутариот. Их труды», «Методология», «Результаты и общие замечания», в том числе разделы «Расхождения, касающиеся правления Феодора I Ласкариса (1205–1221)», «Иоанн III Ватаци (1221–1254)», «Феодор II Ласкарис (1254–1258)», «Михаил VIII Палеолог (1259–1282)», и «Заключение».",
publisher = "Volgograd State University",
journal = "Вестник Волгоградского государственного университета",
title = "Some Remarks on the Divergences in the Narrative of George Akropolites and Theodore Skoutariotes, Некоторые замечания к расхождениям в нарративе Георгия Акрополита и Феодора Скутариота",
pages = "150-172",
volume = "24",
number = "6",
doi = "10.15688/jvolsu4.2019.6.13",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7266"
}
Pavlović, B.. (2019). Some Remarks on the Divergences in the Narrative of George Akropolites and Theodore Skoutariotes. in Вестник Волгоградского государственного университета
Volgograd State University., 24(6), 150-172.
https://doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2019.6.13
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7266
Pavlović B. Some Remarks on the Divergences in the Narrative of George Akropolites and Theodore Skoutariotes. in Вестник Волгоградского государственного университета. 2019;24(6):150-172.
doi:10.15688/jvolsu4.2019.6.13
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7266 .
Pavlović, Bojana, "Some Remarks on the Divergences in the Narrative of George Akropolites and Theodore Skoutariotes" in Вестник Волгоградского государственного университета, 24, no. 6 (2019):150-172,
https://doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2019.6.13 .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7266 .

Bürgerkriege in Byzanz im 14. Jahrhundert: Propaganda und die „Kämpfe der Schreibfeder“

Pavlović, Bojana

(Budapest : Eötvös-József-Collegium, 2019)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Pavlović, Bojana
PY  - 2019
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/7265
PB  - Budapest : Eötvös-József-Collegium
T2  - Byzanz und das Abendland VI. Studia Byzantino-Occidentalia
T1  - Bürgerkriege in Byzanz im 14. Jahrhundert: Propaganda und die „Kämpfe der Schreibfeder“
SP  - 163
EP  - 177
VL  - 6
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7265
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Pavlović, Bojana",
year = "2019",
publisher = "Budapest : Eötvös-József-Collegium",
journal = "Byzanz und das Abendland VI. Studia Byzantino-Occidentalia",
booktitle = "Bürgerkriege in Byzanz im 14. Jahrhundert: Propaganda und die „Kämpfe der Schreibfeder“",
pages = "163-177",
volume = "6",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7265"
}
Pavlović, B.. (2019). Bürgerkriege in Byzanz im 14. Jahrhundert: Propaganda und die „Kämpfe der Schreibfeder“. in Byzanz und das Abendland VI. Studia Byzantino-Occidentalia
Budapest : Eötvös-József-Collegium., 6, 163-177.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7265
Pavlović B. Bürgerkriege in Byzanz im 14. Jahrhundert: Propaganda und die „Kämpfe der Schreibfeder“. in Byzanz und das Abendland VI. Studia Byzantino-Occidentalia. 2019;6:163-177.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7265 .
Pavlović, Bojana, "Bürgerkriege in Byzanz im 14. Jahrhundert: Propaganda und die „Kämpfe der Schreibfeder“" in Byzanz und das Abendland VI. Studia Byzantino-Occidentalia, 6 (2019):163-177,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7265 .

A note on Homer the Raven

Šijaković, Jovana

(Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ, 2019)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Šijaković, Jovana
PY  - 2019
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/8505
AB  - In the works of Clement of Alexandria pieces of Homeric verses surface from time to
time as a testimony to a Christian truth or an interpretation of Scripture. Such instances in
Gnostic writings presented evidence that these Gnostic writers treated Homer as their own
prophet. It seems that in light of these accusations, Clement takes care to note that Homer
did not understand the words he gave a voice to, any more than a raven does when he echoes
what he hears. Furthermore, in all cases where Clement comes conspicuously close to implying
a prophetic-like status for Homer, he does not fail to employ a phrase which explicitly
divorces the poet from any theological authority.
AB  - У делима Климента Александријског Хомерови стихови се понегде појављују као сведочанство за хришћанско учење или одређено тумачење Светог писма.
Такви случајеви су у гностичким списима били основ за оспоравање њихове правоверности и оптужбу да гностици држе Хомера за свог пророка. У раду се показује да се у светлу тих оптужби Климент свесно стара да у сличним случајевима (када би се могло учинити да Песнику придаје пророчки статус) хомерско сведочанство уведе фразом која наглашава тобожњи мантички погодак Песника. На тај начин он успева да наведе хомерско сведочанство, истовремено га лишавајући било каквог озбиљног теолошког ауторитета.
PB  - Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ
T2  - Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ
T1  - A note on Homer the Raven
T1  - Белешка о Хомеру гаврану
SP  - 131
EP  - 142
VL  - 56
DO  - 10.2298/ZRVI1956131S
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_8505
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Šijaković, Jovana",
year = "2019",
abstract = "In the works of Clement of Alexandria pieces of Homeric verses surface from time to
time as a testimony to a Christian truth or an interpretation of Scripture. Such instances in
Gnostic writings presented evidence that these Gnostic writers treated Homer as their own
prophet. It seems that in light of these accusations, Clement takes care to note that Homer
did not understand the words he gave a voice to, any more than a raven does when he echoes
what he hears. Furthermore, in all cases where Clement comes conspicuously close to implying
a prophetic-like status for Homer, he does not fail to employ a phrase which explicitly
divorces the poet from any theological authority., У делима Климента Александријског Хомерови стихови се понегде појављују као сведочанство за хришћанско учење или одређено тумачење Светог писма.
Такви случајеви су у гностичким списима били основ за оспоравање њихове правоверности и оптужбу да гностици држе Хомера за свог пророка. У раду се показује да се у светлу тих оптужби Климент свесно стара да у сличним случајевима (када би се могло учинити да Песнику придаје пророчки статус) хомерско сведочанство уведе фразом која наглашава тобожњи мантички погодак Песника. На тај начин он успева да наведе хомерско сведочанство, истовремено га лишавајући било каквог озбиљног теолошког ауторитета.",
publisher = "Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ",
journal = "Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ",
title = "A note on Homer the Raven, Белешка о Хомеру гаврану",
pages = "131-142",
volume = "56",
doi = "10.2298/ZRVI1956131S",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_8505"
}
Šijaković, J.. (2019). A note on Homer the Raven. in Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ
Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ., 56, 131-142.
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1956131S
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_8505
Šijaković J. A note on Homer the Raven. in Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ. 2019;56:131-142.
doi:10.2298/ZRVI1956131S
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_8505 .
Šijaković, Jovana, "A note on Homer the Raven" in Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ, 56 (2019):131-142,
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1956131S .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_8505 .

Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De administrando imperio and the Byzantine historiography of the mid - 10th century

Komatina, Predrag

(Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ, 2019)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Komatina, Predrag
PY  - 2019
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/8497
AB  - The paper is dedicated to certain aspects of the treatise De administrando imperio,
composed at the court of Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus in 948–952. It first examines
the diplomatic basis of the information collected in the treatise, then the management
of the information available from other sources and some common information found
in it and in other contemporary works such as Theophanes Continuatus, Vita Basilii and De
thematibus. It closes with a conclusion about the authorship of the treatise and its place in
the context of the historiographical activity at the court of Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus
in the mid-10th century.
PB  - Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ
T2  - Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ
T1  - Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De administrando imperio and the Byzantine historiography of the mid - 10th century
T1  - Константин Порфирогенит, De administrando imperio и византијска историографија средине X века
SP  - 39
EP  - 68
VL  - 56
DO  - 10.2298/ZRVI1956039K
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_8497
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Komatina, Predrag",
year = "2019",
abstract = "The paper is dedicated to certain aspects of the treatise De administrando imperio,
composed at the court of Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus in 948–952. It first examines
the diplomatic basis of the information collected in the treatise, then the management
of the information available from other sources and some common information found
in it and in other contemporary works such as Theophanes Continuatus, Vita Basilii and De
thematibus. It closes with a conclusion about the authorship of the treatise and its place in
the context of the historiographical activity at the court of Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus
in the mid-10th century.",
publisher = "Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ",
journal = "Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ",
title = "Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De administrando imperio and the Byzantine historiography of the mid - 10th century, Константин Порфирогенит, De administrando imperio и византијска историографија средине X века",
pages = "39-68",
volume = "56",
doi = "10.2298/ZRVI1956039K",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_8497"
}
Komatina, P.. (2019). Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De administrando imperio and the Byzantine historiography of the mid - 10th century. in Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ
Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ., 56, 39-68.
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1956039K
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_8497
Komatina P. Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De administrando imperio and the Byzantine historiography of the mid - 10th century. in Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ. 2019;56:39-68.
doi:10.2298/ZRVI1956039K
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_8497 .
Komatina, Predrag, "Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De administrando imperio and the Byzantine historiography of the mid - 10th century" in Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ, 56 (2019):39-68,
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1956039K .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_8497 .
1
2

Bequeathing in Medieval Serbian Law

Matović, Tamara

(Leuven / Paris / Bristol : Peeters, 2019)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Matović, Tamara
PY  - 2019
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/12705
AB  - The sources on Serbian medieval law show a lack of wills. Some information on testamentary inheriting is found in the Nomocanon of St. Sava, which systematically replicates the legal provisions of the Procheiros nomos from the Middle Byzantine period. Two unusual features are noteworthy. The first concerns the fact that Dušan’s Code fails to regulate the institution of testament, while the accompanying sources give it no more than a passing mention. On the other hand, the few surviving testaments written in the Cyrillic script and the Serbian recension of Old Church Slavonic date precisely from the period of Emperor Dušan, i.e. from the first half of the fourteenth century. From the end of the twelfth century the influence of Byzantine written law began to spread in medieval Serbia, supplementing and transforming the previous system of customary law. The legal regulations that the old Serbs inherited from the Byzantines reveal that they were sometimes outdated and dichotomous. Old Serbian laws on testamentary bequeathal of property were shaped in the interplay of current Slavic customary law and largely obsolete Byzantine written law.
PB  - Leuven / Paris / Bristol : Peeters
T2  - Ius commune graeco-romanum: Essays in Honour of Prof. Dr. Laurent Waelkens
T1  - Bequeathing in Medieval Serbian Law
SP  - 129
EP  - 137
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12705
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Matović, Tamara",
year = "2019",
abstract = "The sources on Serbian medieval law show a lack of wills. Some information on testamentary inheriting is found in the Nomocanon of St. Sava, which systematically replicates the legal provisions of the Procheiros nomos from the Middle Byzantine period. Two unusual features are noteworthy. The first concerns the fact that Dušan’s Code fails to regulate the institution of testament, while the accompanying sources give it no more than a passing mention. On the other hand, the few surviving testaments written in the Cyrillic script and the Serbian recension of Old Church Slavonic date precisely from the period of Emperor Dušan, i.e. from the first half of the fourteenth century. From the end of the twelfth century the influence of Byzantine written law began to spread in medieval Serbia, supplementing and transforming the previous system of customary law. The legal regulations that the old Serbs inherited from the Byzantines reveal that they were sometimes outdated and dichotomous. Old Serbian laws on testamentary bequeathal of property were shaped in the interplay of current Slavic customary law and largely obsolete Byzantine written law.",
publisher = "Leuven / Paris / Bristol : Peeters",
journal = "Ius commune graeco-romanum: Essays in Honour of Prof. Dr. Laurent Waelkens",
booktitle = "Bequeathing in Medieval Serbian Law",
pages = "129-137",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12705"
}
Matović, T.. (2019). Bequeathing in Medieval Serbian Law. in Ius commune graeco-romanum: Essays in Honour of Prof. Dr. Laurent Waelkens
Leuven / Paris / Bristol : Peeters., 129-137.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12705
Matović T. Bequeathing in Medieval Serbian Law. in Ius commune graeco-romanum: Essays in Honour of Prof. Dr. Laurent Waelkens. 2019;:129-137.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12705 .
Matović, Tamara, "Bequeathing in Medieval Serbian Law" in Ius commune graeco-romanum: Essays in Honour of Prof. Dr. Laurent Waelkens (2019):129-137,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12705 .

Рани јужнословенски етноними и питање порекла и постанка јужнословенских племена

Коматина, Предраг

(Београд : Институт за српски језик САНУ, 2019)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Коматина, Предраг
PY  - 2019
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/10701
AB  - Рани Словени нису имали своју писменост све до појаве Сoлунске браће св. Ћирила и Методија и настанка глагољице 863. године, тако да су пре тога, али у великој мери и после тога вести о њима забележене у страним изворима, пре свега на грчком и латинском језику. Старије форме словенског језика – прасловенски, а затим и старословенски, имали су фонолошки састав у извесној мери различит од оба сродна индоевропска језика, па су рани словенски етноними забележени у изворима онако како су их грчки и латински писци репродуковали у својим књижевним језицима. Тако је на пример прасловенско о у грчким и латинским текстовима углавном постајало а, прасловенски полувокали ъ и ь су по правилу били вокализовани, а на исти начин су били репродуковани и словенски слоготворни сугласници р и л (у старословенским текстовима и касније најчешће бележени као рь и ль). Научници, у првом реду историчари, најчешће су само преузимали облике забележене
у грчкој и латинској изворној грађи, те су на основу њих изводили некад и врло далекосежне закључке. Међутим, када се реконструише њихов тачан словенски облик, ти етноними постају корисно сведочанство за изучавање проблематике порекла и постанка јужнословенских племена
AB  - Even after the creation of the Slavic alphabets, early information on the Slavs was for the most part recorded in Greek and Latin, and thus the names of the Slavic tribes have come down to us in somehow distorted forms, since the phonemic systems of those two languages did not match that of the early Slavic language. It is then necessary to establish the correct forms of the names of the
Slavic tribes behind those recorded in Greek and Latin sources in order to investigate thoroughly their origins and formation.
According to the sixth-century writers Procopius and Jordanes, the early Slavs were divided in many tribes even in their ancient homeland, north of the Carpathians. However, the names of the tribes appeared for the first time in written sources in the seventh century, with the names of the several Slavic tribes who invaded Greece and besieged Thessalonica in the 610s, among them the *Drъgъvitji,*Sagudati (*Sogъdati?), *Velejezitji, *Vojъnitji, *Bъrzitji. The *Smolěne, *Milenki, *Ezeritji were also present in Greece, as well as small parts of other tribes (Serbs, Croats, Kriviči, Czechs). Serbs and Croats settled in the western part of the Balkans, with their local branches such as the Diocletians, Terbunians, Zachloumians, Narentans, or *Gъtаnе, *Gъtьci. Various Slavic tribes settled in the Eastern Alps; the sources and local toponymy recorded the names of the Croats and
Dulebs. The same was true about the old Roman Pannonia between the Danube and the Sava, where only Dulebs can be identified by name. In the eastern part of the Balkans, along the lower Danube, the sources mention the “seven Slavic tribes” subdued by the Bulgars in 680/681, but none of them by name. However, some of them could have later merged together into the new tribe of *Timočani. Along with them, the sources mention the Severi, but counted them apart from
the “seven Slavic tribes”, and this was possibly because they were not Slavs in the strict sense of the word, but rather their relatives, the Antes. To the west of the *Timočani lived a southern part of the *Obъdritji, while at the confluence of the Great Morava and the Danube, lived the Balkan Moravians.
As it could be deduced from their ethnonymy, some of those tribes brought their names from their ancient homeland in the North and it is there that we should look for their origins. The assumption is further corroborated by the fact that the names of some tribes appear in the other areas of the Slavic world as well, which means that the tribes in question must have split during the migrations.
However, some of the tribes were formed only after the settlement in the Eastern Alps and the Balkans, as revealed by the geographic origin of their names. Some of them were geographically separated sections of the ancient tribes who developed a new identity while still retaining the old one. But in some cases, parts of several different Slavic tribes settled in the same area and organized into a new ethnopolitical entity, in which case they first used the common name of the Slavs as a symbol of their common identity along with a geographic determination (for example, Slavs of the Rychios, Slavs of the Strymon, Slavs of the Peloponnese, “seven Slavic tribes”, Slavs of Pannonia, the Eastern Alps Slavs), and only later came to use new names based on the geographic terms (Carantanians, Carnians, *Ezeritji, *Timočani, Moravians, etc.). There were also some minor tribes that in the course of the migrations merged with a stronger tribe and assumed its identity. This clearly indicates that different Slavic tribes during the migrations still shared a strong sense of common Slavic identity alongside their own tribal identity. Even later, in the 9th century, Frankish sources mention common legal traditions among the Slavs (“leges et consuetudines Sclavicae gentis”), and the language that Sts Cyril and Methodius first introduced into literary use was still sufficiently uniform to be named as the common Slavic language.
PB  - Београд : Институт за српски језик САНУ
T2  - Наслеђе и стварање Свети Ћирило : Свети Сава 869-1219-2019 I
T1  - Рани јужнословенски етноними и питање порекла и постанка јужнословенских племена
T1  - Early South Slavic Ethnonyms and the Issue of Origin and Genesis of the South Slavic Tribes
SP  - 3
EP  - 28
VL  - 1
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10701
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Коматина, Предраг",
year = "2019",
abstract = "Рани Словени нису имали своју писменост све до појаве Сoлунске браће св. Ћирила и Методија и настанка глагољице 863. године, тако да су пре тога, али у великој мери и после тога вести о њима забележене у страним изворима, пре свега на грчком и латинском језику. Старије форме словенског језика – прасловенски, а затим и старословенски, имали су фонолошки састав у извесној мери различит од оба сродна индоевропска језика, па су рани словенски етноними забележени у изворима онако како су их грчки и латински писци репродуковали у својим књижевним језицима. Тако је на пример прасловенско о у грчким и латинским текстовима углавном постајало а, прасловенски полувокали ъ и ь су по правилу били вокализовани, а на исти начин су били репродуковани и словенски слоготворни сугласници р и л (у старословенским текстовима и касније најчешће бележени као рь и ль). Научници, у првом реду историчари, најчешће су само преузимали облике забележене
у грчкој и латинској изворној грађи, те су на основу њих изводили некад и врло далекосежне закључке. Међутим, када се реконструише њихов тачан словенски облик, ти етноними постају корисно сведочанство за изучавање проблематике порекла и постанка јужнословенских племена, Even after the creation of the Slavic alphabets, early information on the Slavs was for the most part recorded in Greek and Latin, and thus the names of the Slavic tribes have come down to us in somehow distorted forms, since the phonemic systems of those two languages did not match that of the early Slavic language. It is then necessary to establish the correct forms of the names of the
Slavic tribes behind those recorded in Greek and Latin sources in order to investigate thoroughly their origins and formation.
According to the sixth-century writers Procopius and Jordanes, the early Slavs were divided in many tribes even in their ancient homeland, north of the Carpathians. However, the names of the tribes appeared for the first time in written sources in the seventh century, with the names of the several Slavic tribes who invaded Greece and besieged Thessalonica in the 610s, among them the *Drъgъvitji,*Sagudati (*Sogъdati?), *Velejezitji, *Vojъnitji, *Bъrzitji. The *Smolěne, *Milenki, *Ezeritji were also present in Greece, as well as small parts of other tribes (Serbs, Croats, Kriviči, Czechs). Serbs and Croats settled in the western part of the Balkans, with their local branches such as the Diocletians, Terbunians, Zachloumians, Narentans, or *Gъtаnе, *Gъtьci. Various Slavic tribes settled in the Eastern Alps; the sources and local toponymy recorded the names of the Croats and
Dulebs. The same was true about the old Roman Pannonia between the Danube and the Sava, where only Dulebs can be identified by name. In the eastern part of the Balkans, along the lower Danube, the sources mention the “seven Slavic tribes” subdued by the Bulgars in 680/681, but none of them by name. However, some of them could have later merged together into the new tribe of *Timočani. Along with them, the sources mention the Severi, but counted them apart from
the “seven Slavic tribes”, and this was possibly because they were not Slavs in the strict sense of the word, but rather their relatives, the Antes. To the west of the *Timočani lived a southern part of the *Obъdritji, while at the confluence of the Great Morava and the Danube, lived the Balkan Moravians.
As it could be deduced from their ethnonymy, some of those tribes brought their names from their ancient homeland in the North and it is there that we should look for their origins. The assumption is further corroborated by the fact that the names of some tribes appear in the other areas of the Slavic world as well, which means that the tribes in question must have split during the migrations.
However, some of the tribes were formed only after the settlement in the Eastern Alps and the Balkans, as revealed by the geographic origin of their names. Some of them were geographically separated sections of the ancient tribes who developed a new identity while still retaining the old one. But in some cases, parts of several different Slavic tribes settled in the same area and organized into a new ethnopolitical entity, in which case they first used the common name of the Slavs as a symbol of their common identity along with a geographic determination (for example, Slavs of the Rychios, Slavs of the Strymon, Slavs of the Peloponnese, “seven Slavic tribes”, Slavs of Pannonia, the Eastern Alps Slavs), and only later came to use new names based on the geographic terms (Carantanians, Carnians, *Ezeritji, *Timočani, Moravians, etc.). There were also some minor tribes that in the course of the migrations merged with a stronger tribe and assumed its identity. This clearly indicates that different Slavic tribes during the migrations still shared a strong sense of common Slavic identity alongside their own tribal identity. Even later, in the 9th century, Frankish sources mention common legal traditions among the Slavs (“leges et consuetudines Sclavicae gentis”), and the language that Sts Cyril and Methodius first introduced into literary use was still sufficiently uniform to be named as the common Slavic language.",
publisher = "Београд : Институт за српски језик САНУ",
journal = "Наслеђе и стварање Свети Ћирило : Свети Сава 869-1219-2019 I",
booktitle = "Рани јужнословенски етноними и питање порекла и постанка јужнословенских племена, Early South Slavic Ethnonyms and the Issue of Origin and Genesis of the South Slavic Tribes",
pages = "3-28",
volume = "1",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10701"
}
Коматина, П.. (2019). Рани јужнословенски етноними и питање порекла и постанка јужнословенских племена. in Наслеђе и стварање Свети Ћирило : Свети Сава 869-1219-2019 I
Београд : Институт за српски језик САНУ., 1, 3-28.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10701
Коматина П. Рани јужнословенски етноними и питање порекла и постанка јужнословенских племена. in Наслеђе и стварање Свети Ћирило : Свети Сава 869-1219-2019 I. 2019;1:3-28.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10701 .
Коматина, Предраг, "Рани јужнословенски етноними и питање порекла и постанка јужнословенских племена" in Наслеђе и стварање Свети Ћирило : Свети Сава 869-1219-2019 I, 1 (2019):3-28,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10701 .

Представа светог Арсенија Српског у дечанском менологу

Војводић, Драган

(Београд : Српска академија наука и уметности, 2019)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Војводић, Драган
PY  - 2019
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/10657
AB  - Као део илустрације за 28. октобар у сликаном календару Пантократорове цркве манастира Дечана приказан је свети Арсеније, други српски архиепископ, о чему сведоче остаци натписа и особена иконографија представе. Као једини сачувани пример сликања неког српског светог у оквиру
средњовековних менолошких циклуса, та досада неидентификована предста-
ва има нарочит значај, јер указује на потребу да се изнова покрене питање о
заступљености култова светих Срба у средњовековним сликаним календарима.
AB  - A fi gure of St. Arsenije, the second Serbian archbishop, is shown as a part of the
illustration for 28 October in the painted calendar of the Church of Christ Pantokrator
in the Dečani Monastery, as evidenced by the remnants of an accompanying
inscription and the distinctive iconography of the image. As the only surviving
example of depicting a Serbian saint in medieval menologion cycles, this hereto
unidentifi ed image is of special importance, since it suggests a need to reexamine
the question of the representation of cults of Serbian saints in medieval painted
calendars.
PB  - Београд : Српска академија наука и уметности
T2  - Косовско-метохијски зборник
T1  - Представа светог Арсенија Српског у дечанском менологу
T1  - The Image of Saint Arsenije of Serbia in the Dečani Menologion
SP  - 35
EP  - 62
IS  - 8
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10657
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Војводић, Драган",
year = "2019",
abstract = "Као део илустрације за 28. октобар у сликаном календару Пантократорове цркве манастира Дечана приказан је свети Арсеније, други српски архиепископ, о чему сведоче остаци натписа и особена иконографија представе. Као једини сачувани пример сликања неког српског светог у оквиру
средњовековних менолошких циклуса, та досада неидентификована предста-
ва има нарочит значај, јер указује на потребу да се изнова покрене питање о
заступљености култова светих Срба у средњовековним сликаним календарима., A fi gure of St. Arsenije, the second Serbian archbishop, is shown as a part of the
illustration for 28 October in the painted calendar of the Church of Christ Pantokrator
in the Dečani Monastery, as evidenced by the remnants of an accompanying
inscription and the distinctive iconography of the image. As the only surviving
example of depicting a Serbian saint in medieval menologion cycles, this hereto
unidentifi ed image is of special importance, since it suggests a need to reexamine
the question of the representation of cults of Serbian saints in medieval painted
calendars.",
publisher = "Београд : Српска академија наука и уметности",
journal = "Косовско-метохијски зборник",
title = "Представа светог Арсенија Српског у дечанском менологу, The Image of Saint Arsenije of Serbia in the Dečani Menologion",
pages = "35-62",
number = "8",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10657"
}
Војводић, Д.. (2019). Представа светог Арсенија Српског у дечанском менологу. in Косовско-метохијски зборник
Београд : Српска академија наука и уметности.(8), 35-62.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10657
Војводић Д. Представа светог Арсенија Српског у дечанском менологу. in Косовско-метохијски зборник. 2019;(8):35-62.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10657 .
Војводић, Драган, "Представа светог Арсенија Српског у дечанском менологу" in Косовско-метохијски зборник, no. 8 (2019):35-62,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10657 .

О статусу Влаха Хеладе у тематском систему

Цветковић, Милош

(Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ, 2018)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Цветковић, Милош
PY  - 2018
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/12594
AB  - У раду је анализиран војно-административни положај Влаха Хеладе у византијској тематској организацији. Двојицу њихових старешина – Никулицу и архонта Славоту Кармалакија – помиње у свом спису Кекавмен. Иако није сачувано сведочанство о административном рангу јединице хеладских Влаха, анализом података које пружају извори различите провенијенције закључује се да је у Хелади током X столећа или већ на самом његовом почетку конституисана влашка архонтија, која је, по угледу на сличне словенске формације, у другој половини XI или током XII века трансформисана у тему/провинцију Влахију.
AB  - The paper analyzes the military-administrative position of the Vlachs of Hellas in the thematic organization of the Byzantine Empire. Two of their leaders – Nikoulitzas and the archōn Sthlabōtas Karmalakēs – are mentioned by Kekaumenos in his text. Although there is no surviving testimony about the administrative rank of the unit composed of the Vlachs of Hellas, an analysis of the information provided in sources of various provenances indicates that a Vlach archontia was established in Hellas during or in the early 10th century, and transformed into the theme/province of Blachie in the second half of the 11th or over the course of the 12th century, as was the case with similar Slavic formations.
PB  - Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ
T2  - Зборник радова Византолошког института
T1  - О статусу Влаха Хеладе у тематском систему
T1  - On the status of the Vlachs of Hellas in the theme system
SP  - 45
EP  - 64
VL  - 55
DO  - 10.2298/ZRVI1855045C
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12594
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Цветковић, Милош",
year = "2018",
abstract = "У раду је анализиран војно-административни положај Влаха Хеладе у византијској тематској организацији. Двојицу њихових старешина – Никулицу и архонта Славоту Кармалакија – помиње у свом спису Кекавмен. Иако није сачувано сведочанство о административном рангу јединице хеладских Влаха, анализом података које пружају извори различите провенијенције закључује се да је у Хелади током X столећа или већ на самом његовом почетку конституисана влашка архонтија, која је, по угледу на сличне словенске формације, у другој половини XI или током XII века трансформисана у тему/провинцију Влахију., The paper analyzes the military-administrative position of the Vlachs of Hellas in the thematic organization of the Byzantine Empire. Two of their leaders – Nikoulitzas and the archōn Sthlabōtas Karmalakēs – are mentioned by Kekaumenos in his text. Although there is no surviving testimony about the administrative rank of the unit composed of the Vlachs of Hellas, an analysis of the information provided in sources of various provenances indicates that a Vlach archontia was established in Hellas during or in the early 10th century, and transformed into the theme/province of Blachie in the second half of the 11th or over the course of the 12th century, as was the case with similar Slavic formations.",
publisher = "Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ",
journal = "Зборник радова Византолошког института",
title = "О статусу Влаха Хеладе у тематском систему, On the status of the Vlachs of Hellas in the theme system",
pages = "45-64",
volume = "55",
doi = "10.2298/ZRVI1855045C",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12594"
}
Цветковић, М.. (2018). О статусу Влаха Хеладе у тематском систему. in Зборник радова Византолошког института
Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ., 55, 45-64.
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1855045C
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12594
Цветковић М. О статусу Влаха Хеладе у тематском систему. in Зборник радова Византолошког института. 2018;55:45-64.
doi:10.2298/ZRVI1855045C
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12594 .
Цветковић, Милош, "О статусу Влаха Хеладе у тематском систему" in Зборник радова Византолошког института, 55 (2018):45-64,
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1855045C .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12594 .

Одређивање наследниковог наследника и породични фидеикомис у византијским изворима / Appointing the heir’s heir and family trust (fideicommissum) in Byzantine legal sources

Матовић, Тамара

(Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ, 2018)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Матовић, Тамара
PY  - 2018
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/11567
AB  - У раду се истражују тестаментарне супституције, чији се описи појављују у ви-
зантијским правним изворима, у потпуности према традицији римског права. Осим
што није често предмет научног интересовања, разјашњaвање тестаментарних суп-
ституција може да допринесе бољем разумевању одређених одредаба византијских
правних збирки, како државних тако и приватних, али и српских средњовековних
правних споменика – тзв. Закона градског и старосрпског превода Синтагме Матије
Властара, у којима се оне појављују.
AB  - Testamentary substitutions are the subject of this article. The issue has not been fairly
highlighted in the field of Byzantine studies. Definitions of this legal institute are frequent
in the Byzantine legal sources, and are based on the Roman legal tradition; yet, they are
sporadic, particularly in the younger codes. Researching on them could lead to better understanding of different legal stipulations, the ones found in the official and private legal codes.
From there, definitions of various testametary substitutions were translated and adopted in
medieval Serbian sources – “Zakon gradski“, translation of Byzantine legal code Prochiron
Nomos within the Nomocanon of Saint Sava, and the Old Serbian translation of Syntagma
of Matthew Blastares.
PB  - Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ
T2  - Зборник радова Византолошког института 55
T1  - Одређивање наследниковог наследника и породични фидеикомис у византијским изворима / Appointing the heir’s heir and family trust (fideicommissum) in Byzantine legal sources
SP  - 201
EP  - 214
VL  - 55
DO  - 10.2298/ZRVI1855201M
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_11567
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Матовић, Тамара",
year = "2018",
abstract = "У раду се истражују тестаментарне супституције, чији се описи појављују у ви-
зантијским правним изворима, у потпуности према традицији римског права. Осим
што није често предмет научног интересовања, разјашњaвање тестаментарних суп-
ституција може да допринесе бољем разумевању одређених одредаба византијских
правних збирки, како државних тако и приватних, али и српских средњовековних
правних споменика – тзв. Закона градског и старосрпског превода Синтагме Матије
Властара, у којима се оне појављују., Testamentary substitutions are the subject of this article. The issue has not been fairly
highlighted in the field of Byzantine studies. Definitions of this legal institute are frequent
in the Byzantine legal sources, and are based on the Roman legal tradition; yet, they are
sporadic, particularly in the younger codes. Researching on them could lead to better understanding of different legal stipulations, the ones found in the official and private legal codes.
From there, definitions of various testametary substitutions were translated and adopted in
medieval Serbian sources – “Zakon gradski“, translation of Byzantine legal code Prochiron
Nomos within the Nomocanon of Saint Sava, and the Old Serbian translation of Syntagma
of Matthew Blastares.",
publisher = "Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ",
journal = "Зборник радова Византолошког института 55",
title = "Одређивање наследниковог наследника и породични фидеикомис у византијским изворима / Appointing the heir’s heir and family trust (fideicommissum) in Byzantine legal sources",
pages = "201-214",
volume = "55",
doi = "10.2298/ZRVI1855201M",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_11567"
}
Матовић, Т.. (2018). Одређивање наследниковог наследника и породични фидеикомис у византијским изворима / Appointing the heir’s heir and family trust (fideicommissum) in Byzantine legal sources. in Зборник радова Византолошког института 55
Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ., 55, 201-214.
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1855201M
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_11567
Матовић Т. Одређивање наследниковог наследника и породични фидеикомис у византијским изворима / Appointing the heir’s heir and family trust (fideicommissum) in Byzantine legal sources. in Зборник радова Византолошког института 55. 2018;55:201-214.
doi:10.2298/ZRVI1855201M
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_11567 .
Матовић, Тамара, "Одређивање наследниковог наследника и породични фидеикомис у византијским изворима / Appointing the heir’s heir and family trust (fideicommissum) in Byzantine legal sources" in Зборник радова Византолошког института 55, 55 (2018):201-214,
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1855201M .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_11567 .

Византијски литијски крст из Жупе Дубровачке / The Byzantine processional cross from Župa Dubrovačka

Lupis, Vinicije; Milanović, Ljubomir

(Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ, 2018)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Lupis, Vinicije
AU  - Milanović, Ljubomir
PY  - 2018
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/11568
AB  - У Цркви Светог Николе у Жакули у Жупи дубровачкој чува се византијски
литијски крст. Досадашња истраживања су га датовала између 6. и 10. века. Крст је
пронађен на локалитету Цркве Светог Ђурђа, која, највероватније, потиче из периода
између 10. и 12. века, као и некропола око цркве, са траговима ранијих укопавања.
Крст је капљичастог типа, са натписима који прослављају Светог архистратига Миха-
ила и помињу чудо у Хони. Рад се бави новим, прецизнијим датовањем самог крста,
као и утврђивањем његовог могућег порекла и функције.
AB  - A Byzantine processional cross is preserved in the church of St. Nicholas in Žakula in
Župa dubrovačka. Past research has dated the cross between the 6th and 10th centuries. This
artifact was found at the archeological site of St. George’s church, which was most likely constructed between the 10th–12th centuries. The cross is of a tear-shaped type and bears inscriptions that invoke the name of Archistrategos Michael and refer to his Miracle at Chonae. This paper aims to give a new, more precise date for the cross, as well as determining its possible
origin and function.
PB  - Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ
T2  - Зборник радова Византолошког института 55
T1  - Византијски литијски крст из Жупе Дубровачке / The Byzantine processional cross from Župa Dubrovačka
SP  - 107
EP  - 126
VL  - 55
DO  - 10.2298/ZRVI1855107L
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_11568
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Lupis, Vinicije and Milanović, Ljubomir",
year = "2018",
abstract = "У Цркви Светог Николе у Жакули у Жупи дубровачкој чува се византијски
литијски крст. Досадашња истраживања су га датовала између 6. и 10. века. Крст је
пронађен на локалитету Цркве Светог Ђурђа, која, највероватније, потиче из периода
између 10. и 12. века, као и некропола око цркве, са траговима ранијих укопавања.
Крст је капљичастог типа, са натписима који прослављају Светог архистратига Миха-
ила и помињу чудо у Хони. Рад се бави новим, прецизнијим датовањем самог крста,
као и утврђивањем његовог могућег порекла и функције., A Byzantine processional cross is preserved in the church of St. Nicholas in Žakula in
Župa dubrovačka. Past research has dated the cross between the 6th and 10th centuries. This
artifact was found at the archeological site of St. George’s church, which was most likely constructed between the 10th–12th centuries. The cross is of a tear-shaped type and bears inscriptions that invoke the name of Archistrategos Michael and refer to his Miracle at Chonae. This paper aims to give a new, more precise date for the cross, as well as determining its possible
origin and function.",
publisher = "Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ",
journal = "Зборник радова Византолошког института 55",
title = "Византијски литијски крст из Жупе Дубровачке / The Byzantine processional cross from Župa Dubrovačka",
pages = "107-126",
volume = "55",
doi = "10.2298/ZRVI1855107L",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_11568"
}
Lupis, V.,& Milanović, L.. (2018). Византијски литијски крст из Жупе Дубровачке / The Byzantine processional cross from Župa Dubrovačka. in Зборник радова Византолошког института 55
Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ., 55, 107-126.
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1855107L
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_11568
Lupis V, Milanović L. Византијски литијски крст из Жупе Дубровачке / The Byzantine processional cross from Župa Dubrovačka. in Зборник радова Византолошког института 55. 2018;55:107-126.
doi:10.2298/ZRVI1855107L
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_11568 .
Lupis, Vinicije, Milanović, Ljubomir, "Византијски литијски крст из Жупе Дубровачке / The Byzantine processional cross from Župa Dubrovačka" in Зборник радова Византолошког института 55, 55 (2018):107-126,
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1855107L .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_11568 .