TY  - CONF
AU  - Милосављевић, Борис
PY  - 2020
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/12167
AB  - Од филозофских тема у радовима Слободана Јовановића можемо издвојити
филозофију државе и права, филозофију политике са историјом политичке и правне филозофије
(питање природних права, суверености, опште воље, оправдања државе, као и критику неокан-
товског утемељења права). Може се указати и на питања релевантна за историју филозофије,
односно историју политичке филозофије као што су Платоново учење о држави и државништву,
питање шта је права англосаксонска филозофија, а шта англосаксонска рецепција и прерада
континенталне филозофије, хегеловску логику, апорије идеализма и материјализма, као и однос
филозофије и марксизма. Од посебне је важности критика просветитељских основа филозофије
и мишљења епохе у Европи и питање која су заједничка исходишта и дилеме континенталних и
енглеских рационалистичких просветитељских праваца. У Јовановићевом тексту присутна су и
општа методолошка питања. Његова решења ових питања су и данас актуелна јер превазилазе
затворене па често и скучене хоризонте разматрања појединих проблема у једном времену и
одређеном типу мишљења.
AB  - Among various philosophical issues in Slobodan Jovanovic’s work, those that deserve
special attention are philosophical theory of the state and law, political philosophy with the
history of political and legal philosophy (the question of natural law, sovereignty, general
will, justification of the state, as well as criticism of neo-Kantian foundation of law). There
are also noteworthy issues relevant to the history of philosophy, i.e. the history of political
philosophy, such as Plato’s teachings on the state and statesmanship, the question of what
constitutes authentic Anglo-Saxon philosophy, and what is Anglo-Saxon reception and remodelling of continental philosophy, Hegelian logic, aporias of idealism and materialism,
as well as the relation between philosophy and Marxism. It is of vital importance to
mention criticism of the Enlightenment foundations of philosophy and thought of this
period in Europe and the questions that are common starting points and dilemmas of both
continental and English Rationalist and Enlightenment movements. The paper deals with
Jovanović’s criticism of Hans Kelsens theory. The keystone of Kelsen’s Pure Theory of Law
is his doctrine of the basic norm. According to Jovanović, there is neither the law without
a state, nor a state without the law; hence neither can Kelsenian legal norm, perceived
as a norm prior to the state, be a positive legal norm, but an abstract, natural law norm.
Jovanović’s text also contains general methodological questions. His answers to these questions
are still relevant today, as they broaden the sometimes limited horizons of dealing
with certain problems within a particular period of time and thought.
PB  - Београд : Српска академија наука и уметности
C3  - Слободан Јовановић : поводом 150 година од рођења
T1  - Филозофске теме у делу Слободана Јовановића
T1  - Philosophical issues in Slobodan Jovanović’s work
SP  - 161
EP  - 179
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12167
ER  - 

@conference{
author = "Милосављевић, Борис",
year = "2020",
abstract = "Од филозофских тема у радовима Слободана Јовановића можемо издвојити
филозофију државе и права, филозофију политике са историјом политичке и правне филозофије
(питање природних права, суверености, опште воље, оправдања државе, као и критику неокан-
товског утемељења права). Може се указати и на питања релевантна за историју филозофије,
односно историју политичке филозофије као што су Платоново учење о држави и државништву,
питање шта је права англосаксонска филозофија, а шта англосаксонска рецепција и прерада
континенталне филозофије, хегеловску логику, апорије идеализма и материјализма, као и однос
филозофије и марксизма. Од посебне је важности критика просветитељских основа филозофије
и мишљења епохе у Европи и питање која су заједничка исходишта и дилеме континенталних и
енглеских рационалистичких просветитељских праваца. У Јовановићевом тексту присутна су и
општа методолошка питања. Његова решења ових питања су и данас актуелна јер превазилазе
затворене па често и скучене хоризонте разматрања појединих проблема у једном времену и
одређеном типу мишљења., Among various philosophical issues in Slobodan Jovanovic’s work, those that deserve
special attention are philosophical theory of the state and law, political philosophy with the
history of political and legal philosophy (the question of natural law, sovereignty, general
will, justification of the state, as well as criticism of neo-Kantian foundation of law). There
are also noteworthy issues relevant to the history of philosophy, i.e. the history of political
philosophy, such as Plato’s teachings on the state and statesmanship, the question of what
constitutes authentic Anglo-Saxon philosophy, and what is Anglo-Saxon reception and remodelling of continental philosophy, Hegelian logic, aporias of idealism and materialism,
as well as the relation between philosophy and Marxism. It is of vital importance to
mention criticism of the Enlightenment foundations of philosophy and thought of this
period in Europe and the questions that are common starting points and dilemmas of both
continental and English Rationalist and Enlightenment movements. The paper deals with
Jovanović’s criticism of Hans Kelsens theory. The keystone of Kelsen’s Pure Theory of Law
is his doctrine of the basic norm. According to Jovanović, there is neither the law without
a state, nor a state without the law; hence neither can Kelsenian legal norm, perceived
as a norm prior to the state, be a positive legal norm, but an abstract, natural law norm.
Jovanović’s text also contains general methodological questions. His answers to these questions
are still relevant today, as they broaden the sometimes limited horizons of dealing
with certain problems within a particular period of time and thought.",
publisher = "Београд : Српска академија наука и уметности",
journal = "Слободан Јовановић : поводом 150 година од рођења",
title = "Филозофске теме у делу Слободана Јовановића, Philosophical issues in Slobodan Jovanović’s work",
pages = "161-179",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12167"
}

Милосављевић, Б.. (2020). Филозофске теме у делу Слободана Јовановића. in Слободан Јовановић : поводом 150 година од рођења
Београд : Српска академија наука и уметности., 161-179.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12167

Милосављевић Б. Филозофске теме у делу Слободана Јовановића. in Слободан Јовановић : поводом 150 година од рођења. 2020;:161-179.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12167 .

Милосављевић, Борис, "Филозофске теме у делу Слободана Јовановића" in Слободан Јовановић : поводом 150 година од рођења (2020):161-179,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12167 .

TY  - CONF
AU  - Милосављевић, Борис
PY  - 2020
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/12061
AB  - Породица Владана Ђорђевића припадала је кругу старобеоградских породица. Његови родитељи су пореклом били Цинцари из истог краја Балкана. Сеоба на север 
Балкана била је постепена, јер су њихови преци и чланови породица и раније одлазили у градове 
на северу Балкана и прелазили у Хабзбуршку монархију из пословних разлога. За коначни одлазак 
из старог краја пресудно је било јачање локалних полунезависних паша, као што је био Али-паша 
Јањински, чији су људи нападали хришћанска православна места. За разумевање средине у којој 
се родио Владан Ђорђевић од пресудног је значаја био друштвени углед и место које је заузимала 
породица Леко. Због тога је потребно детаљно прегледати сродничке везе и породични круг који 
је утицао на развој личности Владана Ђорђевића, који је обављао највише и најодговорније дужности у Краљевини Србији и као што је познато дао велики допринос развоју српске медицине.
AB  - The paper is dealing with the family history of Dr Vladan Đorđević (1844–1930), phy sician, surgeon, Prime Minister of Serbia and Mayor of Belgrade. Both of his parents werе Aromanian (Tzintzar) descent. Their families came from the same region of the central Balkans. 
Vladan Đorđević’s father, George (Đorđe) Đorđević, Serbian Medical Corps Lieutenant, was 
born in predominantly Aromanian village of Fourka (Φούρκα) in nowadays Greek Ioannina 
regional unit in Epirus. His father Demetrios (Δημήτριος) had a trade network that reached 
as far as Vienna. Their family name was Čuleka (Chuleka). Đorđević’s maternal grandfather, 
Marko Leko, was born in a well-known Aromanian center, Vlachokleisoura (Βλαχοκλεισούρα), 
today Kleisoura (Κλεισούρα) in the Greek municipality of Kastoria. The Leko family left their 
ancestral home in the last quarter of the 18th century. Initially they moved to Bela Crkva (Banat, 
Habsburg Empire, nowadays Serbia), but then they went to Belgrade in 1820. Migration to the 
northern areas of the Balkans was gradual. Merchants from the central Balkans used to travel 
and live in the Habsburg Empire for business purposes. The most famous Aromanian family in 
the Habsburg Empire was certainly the family of Baron Sinna, Viennese banker. Final departures 
from the old country were caused by the violence inflicted by the local semi-independent pashas. 
The troops of Ali Pasha of Ioannina, who served as Ottoman Albanian pasha of a large part of 
western Rumelia, attacked the village of Fourka and killed Vladan Đorđević’s great-grandfather, 
the priest Eftimios. To understand the social context and the position of Vladan Đorđević’s 
family in the 19th century Belgrade society, it is of the outmost importance to get to know the 
history of the Leko family, which substantially contributed to the development of the Serbian 
state, science and culture. The paper is dealing with the influence of the family on the upbringing 
and worldview of Dr Vladan Đorđević.
PB  - Београд : Српска академија наука и уметности
C3  - Владан Ђорђевић : поводом сто седамдесет шест година од рођења = Vladan Đorđević : on the occasion of the 176th anniversary of his birth
T1  - Породица и порекло Владана Ђорђевића
T1  - Vladan Đorđević’s Family and Background
SP  - 185
EP  - 204
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12061
ER  - 

@conference{
author = "Милосављевић, Борис",
year = "2020",
abstract = "Породица Владана Ђорђевића припадала је кругу старобеоградских породица. Његови родитељи су пореклом били Цинцари из истог краја Балкана. Сеоба на север 
Балкана била је постепена, јер су њихови преци и чланови породица и раније одлазили у градове 
на северу Балкана и прелазили у Хабзбуршку монархију из пословних разлога. За коначни одлазак 
из старог краја пресудно је било јачање локалних полунезависних паша, као што је био Али-паша 
Јањински, чији су људи нападали хришћанска православна места. За разумевање средине у којој 
се родио Владан Ђорђевић од пресудног је значаја био друштвени углед и место које је заузимала 
породица Леко. Због тога је потребно детаљно прегледати сродничке везе и породични круг који 
је утицао на развој личности Владана Ђорђевића, који је обављао највише и најодговорније дужности у Краљевини Србији и као што је познато дао велики допринос развоју српске медицине., The paper is dealing with the family history of Dr Vladan Đorđević (1844–1930), phy sician, surgeon, Prime Minister of Serbia and Mayor of Belgrade. Both of his parents werе Aromanian (Tzintzar) descent. Their families came from the same region of the central Balkans. 
Vladan Đorđević’s father, George (Đorđe) Đorđević, Serbian Medical Corps Lieutenant, was 
born in predominantly Aromanian village of Fourka (Φούρκα) in nowadays Greek Ioannina 
regional unit in Epirus. His father Demetrios (Δημήτριος) had a trade network that reached 
as far as Vienna. Their family name was Čuleka (Chuleka). Đorđević’s maternal grandfather, 
Marko Leko, was born in a well-known Aromanian center, Vlachokleisoura (Βλαχοκλεισούρα), 
today Kleisoura (Κλεισούρα) in the Greek municipality of Kastoria. The Leko family left their 
ancestral home in the last quarter of the 18th century. Initially they moved to Bela Crkva (Banat, 
Habsburg Empire, nowadays Serbia), but then they went to Belgrade in 1820. Migration to the 
northern areas of the Balkans was gradual. Merchants from the central Balkans used to travel 
and live in the Habsburg Empire for business purposes. The most famous Aromanian family in 
the Habsburg Empire was certainly the family of Baron Sinna, Viennese banker. Final departures 
from the old country were caused by the violence inflicted by the local semi-independent pashas. 
The troops of Ali Pasha of Ioannina, who served as Ottoman Albanian pasha of a large part of 
western Rumelia, attacked the village of Fourka and killed Vladan Đorđević’s great-grandfather, 
the priest Eftimios. To understand the social context and the position of Vladan Đorđević’s 
family in the 19th century Belgrade society, it is of the outmost importance to get to know the 
history of the Leko family, which substantially contributed to the development of the Serbian 
state, science and culture. The paper is dealing with the influence of the family on the upbringing 
and worldview of Dr Vladan Đorđević.",
publisher = "Београд : Српска академија наука и уметности",
journal = "Владан Ђорђевић : поводом сто седамдесет шест година од рођења = Vladan Đorđević : on the occasion of the 176th anniversary of his birth",
title = "Породица и порекло Владана Ђорђевића, Vladan Đorđević’s Family and Background",
pages = "185-204",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12061"
}

Милосављевић, Б.. (2020). Породица и порекло Владана Ђорђевића. in Владан Ђорђевић : поводом сто седамдесет шест година од рођења = Vladan Đorđević : on the occasion of the 176th anniversary of his birth
Београд : Српска академија наука и уметности., 185-204.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12061

Милосављевић Б. Породица и порекло Владана Ђорђевића. in Владан Ђорђевић : поводом сто седамдесет шест година од рођења = Vladan Đorđević : on the occasion of the 176th anniversary of his birth. 2020;:185-204.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12061 .

Милосављевић, Борис, "Породица и порекло Владана Ђорђевића" in Владан Ђорђевић : поводом сто седамдесет шест година од рођења = Vladan Đorđević : on the occasion of the 176th anniversary of his birth (2020):185-204,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12061 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Вукадиновић, Игор
PY  - 2020
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/10088
AB  - У раду је анализиран медијски и политички аспект дешавања у Социјалистичкој Аутономној Покрајини Војводини 1988. године, која су у јавном дискурсу остала упамћена под називом „Антибирократска револуција“. У уводном делу рада дат је општи преглед спора на релацији република–аутономне покрајине, који је био узрок догађаја из 1988. године. Други део рада бави се масовним демонстрацијама против војвођанског режима, уз посебан осврт на улогу медија у ширењу протеста. Анализирано је понашање војвођанског руководства у датим околностима, односно његова реакција на уличне протесте широм покрајине.
PB  - Приштина : Институт за српску културу
PB  - Лепосавић : Институт за српску културу
T2  - Баштина
T1  - Масовне демонстрације и пад режима САП Војводине 1988. године
T1  - Mass demonstrations and the fall of Vojvodina regime 1988.
SP  - 377
EP  - 392
IS  - 51
DO  - 10.5937/bastina30-26944
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10088
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Вукадиновић, Игор",
year = "2020",
abstract = "У раду је анализиран медијски и политички аспект дешавања у Социјалистичкој Аутономној Покрајини Војводини 1988. године, која су у јавном дискурсу остала упамћена под називом „Антибирократска револуција“. У уводном делу рада дат је општи преглед спора на релацији република–аутономне покрајине, који је био узрок догађаја из 1988. године. Други део рада бави се масовним демонстрацијама против војвођанског режима, уз посебан осврт на улогу медија у ширењу протеста. Анализирано је понашање војвођанског руководства у датим околностима, односно његова реакција на уличне протесте широм покрајине.",
publisher = "Приштина : Институт за српску културу, Лепосавић : Институт за српску културу",
journal = "Баштина",
title = "Масовне демонстрације и пад режима САП Војводине 1988. године, Mass demonstrations and the fall of Vojvodina regime 1988.",
pages = "377-392",
number = "51",
doi = "10.5937/bastina30-26944",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10088"
}

Вукадиновић, И.. (2020). Масовне демонстрације и пад режима САП Војводине 1988. године. in Баштина
Приштина : Институт за српску културу.(51), 377-392.
https://doi.org/10.5937/bastina30-26944
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10088

Вукадиновић И. Масовне демонстрације и пад режима САП Војводине 1988. године. in Баштина. 2020;(51):377-392.
doi:10.5937/bastina30-26944
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10088 .

Вукадиновић, Игор, "Масовне демонстрације и пад режима САП Војводине 1988. године" in Баштина, no. 51 (2020):377-392,
https://doi.org/10.5937/bastina30-26944 .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10088 .

TY  - THES
AU  - Фундић, Душан
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://eteze.bg.ac.rs/application/showtheses?thesesId=6856
UR  - https://fedorabg.bg.ac.rs/fedora/get/o:19972/bdef:Content/download
UR  - http://vbs.rs/scripts/cobiss?command=DISPLAY&base=70036&RID=530658199
UR  - http://nardus.mpn.gov.rs/123456789/11295
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/6607
AB  - Циљ докторске дисертације „Аустро-Угарска и обликовање Албаније(1896-1914)“ је истраживање места Албанаца и Албаније у спољној политициДвојне Монархије на Балканском полуострву током последњих деценија предПрви светски рат. Пример аустро-албанских односа одабран је јер су посебнопосле 1896/97. године аустроугарски државници обликовали идеју настанкаАлбаније, било као аутономне или независне државе, са вишеструкимзначајем за саму Монархију. Методологија примењена у истраживањузаснована је на анализи друштвеног и интелектуалног контекста архивскеграђе која се потом укршта са анализом владајућих дискурса важних за темудисертације.Циљ истраживања био је да се укаже на најважније обрасце деловањаАустро-Угарске како би остварила своје циљеве у Албанији схваћене каопредуслов превласти на Балканском полуострву. Сузбијање уплитања осталихвеликих сила у првом реду Италије као и албанских суседа, Србије и Црне Горебило је покретачка идеја државника Двојне Монархије како би се онемогућилоприсуство било које непожељне стране на источној обали Јадранског мора.Како би наведена намера била остварена аустроугарски конзулиуспостављали су различите облике сарадње са локалним албанскимполитичким елитама у намери да их придобију за идеју настанка нове државе,финансијски и саветнички подржавани су сви појединци и удружења која суширила идеје албанског национализма, посебно путем штампе, помаган је радна стандардизацији језика и писма и пружана широка подршка образовању уАлбанији. Посебно је истакнут значај аустроугарских албанолога и њиховогутицаја на преобликовање албанског националистичког дискурса.Последице аустроугарског империјалног пројекта истражене су ианализом првих година постојања албанске државе (1912-1914). Оличен уВилхелму од Вида, владару Албаније који је био избор Аустро-Угарске,империјални подухват Беча доживео је пораз пред унутрашњим отпоримамуслиманске побуне коју су подржали њени супарници
AB  - Doctoral dissertation „Austria-Hungary and the Shaping of Albania (1896-1914)“ aims to explore the place of Albania and Albanians in the foreign policy ofthe Double Monarchy in the Balkan Peninsula during the decades preceding the FirstWorld War. An example of Austro-Albanian relations was chosen because after1896/97 the idea of the creation of Albania as an autonomous or independent statewith various significances for the Monarchy itself was shaped by its statesmen. Theapplied methodology is based on the analysis of the social and intellectual contextof archival sources which is then combined with the analysis of the prevailingdiscourses crucial for the subject of the dissertation.The aim of the research was to point out the crucial Austria-Hungary’spatterns of action for achieving its goals in Albania, which was understood as aprerequisite of the Balkan hegemony. The suppression of the interference of otherGreat Powers, foremost Italy, as well as of the neighbouring countries of Serbia andMontenegro was the urging idea of the Monarchy’s statesmen in order to preventthe presence of any undesirable rival on the eastern Adriatic coast.For this purpose, the Austro-Hungarian consuls established various forms ofcooperation with the local Albanian political elites to win them over for the idea ofthe emergence of a new state. All individuals and associations that spread the ideasof Albanian nationalism, especially through the press, were financially andotherwise supported. Work on the standardization of the Albanian language andalphabet were combined with an extensive support of education in Albania.Emphasis is placed on the importance of Austro-Hungarian albanologists and theirinfluence on the transformation of the Albanian nationalist discourse.The consequences of the Austro-Hungarian imperial project were underlinedby researching its peak during the first years of the Albanian independence (1912-1914). Symbolized in the ruler of Albania, Wilhelm of Wied, who was the choice ofthe Austro-Hungarian decision makers, their imperial undertaking was defeated bythe internal resistance of the Muslim rebellion supported by its rivals
PB  - Универзитет у Београду, Филозофски факултет
T2  - Универзитет у Београду
T1  - Аустро-Угарска и обликовање Албаније : (1896-1914)
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6607
ER  - 

@phdthesis{
author = "Фундић, Душан",
year = "2019",
abstract = "Циљ докторске дисертације „Аустро-Угарска и обликовање Албаније(1896-1914)“ је истраживање места Албанаца и Албаније у спољној политициДвојне Монархије на Балканском полуострву током последњих деценија предПрви светски рат. Пример аустро-албанских односа одабран је јер су посебнопосле 1896/97. године аустроугарски државници обликовали идеју настанкаАлбаније, било као аутономне или независне државе, са вишеструкимзначајем за саму Монархију. Методологија примењена у истраживањузаснована је на анализи друштвеног и интелектуалног контекста архивскеграђе која се потом укршта са анализом владајућих дискурса важних за темудисертације.Циљ истраживања био је да се укаже на најважније обрасце деловањаАустро-Угарске како би остварила своје циљеве у Албанији схваћене каопредуслов превласти на Балканском полуострву. Сузбијање уплитања осталихвеликих сила у првом реду Италије као и албанских суседа, Србије и Црне Горебило је покретачка идеја државника Двојне Монархије како би се онемогућилоприсуство било које непожељне стране на источној обали Јадранског мора.Како би наведена намера била остварена аустроугарски конзулиуспостављали су различите облике сарадње са локалним албанскимполитичким елитама у намери да их придобију за идеју настанка нове државе,финансијски и саветнички подржавани су сви појединци и удружења која суширила идеје албанског национализма, посебно путем штампе, помаган је радна стандардизацији језика и писма и пружана широка подршка образовању уАлбанији. Посебно је истакнут значај аустроугарских албанолога и њиховогутицаја на преобликовање албанског националистичког дискурса.Последице аустроугарског империјалног пројекта истражене су ианализом првих година постојања албанске државе (1912-1914). Оличен уВилхелму од Вида, владару Албаније који је био избор Аустро-Угарске,империјални подухват Беча доживео је пораз пред унутрашњим отпоримамуслиманске побуне коју су подржали њени супарници, Doctoral dissertation „Austria-Hungary and the Shaping of Albania (1896-1914)“ aims to explore the place of Albania and Albanians in the foreign policy ofthe Double Monarchy in the Balkan Peninsula during the decades preceding the FirstWorld War. An example of Austro-Albanian relations was chosen because after1896/97 the idea of the creation of Albania as an autonomous or independent statewith various significances for the Monarchy itself was shaped by its statesmen. Theapplied methodology is based on the analysis of the social and intellectual contextof archival sources which is then combined with the analysis of the prevailingdiscourses crucial for the subject of the dissertation.The aim of the research was to point out the crucial Austria-Hungary’spatterns of action for achieving its goals in Albania, which was understood as aprerequisite of the Balkan hegemony. The suppression of the interference of otherGreat Powers, foremost Italy, as well as of the neighbouring countries of Serbia andMontenegro was the urging idea of the Monarchy’s statesmen in order to preventthe presence of any undesirable rival on the eastern Adriatic coast.For this purpose, the Austro-Hungarian consuls established various forms ofcooperation with the local Albanian political elites to win them over for the idea ofthe emergence of a new state. All individuals and associations that spread the ideasof Albanian nationalism, especially through the press, were financially andotherwise supported. Work on the standardization of the Albanian language andalphabet were combined with an extensive support of education in Albania.Emphasis is placed on the importance of Austro-Hungarian albanologists and theirinfluence on the transformation of the Albanian nationalist discourse.The consequences of the Austro-Hungarian imperial project were underlinedby researching its peak during the first years of the Albanian independence (1912-1914). Symbolized in the ruler of Albania, Wilhelm of Wied, who was the choice ofthe Austro-Hungarian decision makers, their imperial undertaking was defeated bythe internal resistance of the Muslim rebellion supported by its rivals",
publisher = "Универзитет у Београду, Филозофски факултет",
journal = "Универзитет у Београду",
title = "Аустро-Угарска и обликовање Албаније : (1896-1914)",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6607"
}

Фундић, Д.. (2019). Аустро-Угарска и обликовање Албаније : (1896-1914). in Универзитет у Београду
Универзитет у Београду, Филозофски факултет..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6607

Фундић Д. Аустро-Угарска и обликовање Албаније : (1896-1914). in Универзитет у Београду. 2019;.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6607 .

Фундић, Душан, "Аустро-Угарска и обликовање Албаније : (1896-1914)" in Универзитет у Београду (2019),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6607 .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Fundić, Dušan
PY  - 2019
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/7896
AB  - The rivalry between Serbia and Italy over the Adriatic region also involved Albania as a point of dispute. The political leaderships of both countries were driven by the war aim of putting an end to Austro-Hungarian hegemony in south-east Europe and of preventing any other country from taking its place. Each of the two countries sought for some time to establish its influence in Albania either through a local proxy, Essad Pasha Toptani, or by occupying the parts of Albania considered important for its perceived strategic interests after the war.
PB  - Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies of the SASA
T2  - Serbia and Italy in the Great War
T1  - The Albanian Question in Serbian-Italian Relations 1914-1918
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7896
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Fundić, Dušan",
year = "2019",
abstract = "The rivalry between Serbia and Italy over the Adriatic region also involved Albania as a point of dispute. The political leaderships of both countries were driven by the war aim of putting an end to Austro-Hungarian hegemony in south-east Europe and of preventing any other country from taking its place. Each of the two countries sought for some time to establish its influence in Albania either through a local proxy, Essad Pasha Toptani, or by occupying the parts of Albania considered important for its perceived strategic interests after the war.",
publisher = "Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies of the SASA",
journal = "Serbia and Italy in the Great War",
booktitle = "The Albanian Question in Serbian-Italian Relations 1914-1918",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7896"
}

Fundić, D.. (2019). The Albanian Question in Serbian-Italian Relations 1914-1918. in Serbia and Italy in the Great War
Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies of the SASA..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7896

Fundić D. The Albanian Question in Serbian-Italian Relations 1914-1918. in Serbia and Italy in the Great War. 2019;.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7896 .

Fundić, Dušan, "The Albanian Question in Serbian-Italian Relations 1914-1918" in Serbia and Italy in the Great War (2019),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7896 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Pavlović, Vojislav G.
PY  - 2019
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/7849
PB  - Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA
T2  - Balcanica
T1  - Dušan T. Bataković (1957–2017)  Historian and Diplomat
SP  - 9
EP  - 31
VL  - 50
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7849
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Pavlović, Vojislav G.",
year = "2019",
publisher = "Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA",
journal = "Balcanica",
title = "Dušan T. Bataković (1957–2017)  Historian and Diplomat",
pages = "9-31",
volume = "50",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7849"
}

Pavlović, V. G.. (2019). Dušan T. Bataković (1957–2017)  Historian and Diplomat. in Balcanica
Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA., 50, 9-31.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7849

Pavlović VG. Dušan T. Bataković (1957–2017)  Historian and Diplomat. in Balcanica. 2019;50:9-31.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7849 .

Pavlović, Vojislav G., "Dušan T. Bataković (1957–2017)  Historian and Diplomat" in Balcanica, 50 (2019):9-31,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7849 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Pavlović, Vojislav G.
PY  - 2019
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/7832
AB  - Tito vécut les purges staliniennes principalement en dehors de l’Union soviétique, ce qui lui permit de survivre, mais aussi d’en profiter pour devenir le principal dirigeant du parti. Les séjours à Moscou, en 1938 et 1939 furent des rudes épreuves pour lui, mais par un savant mélange d’opportunisme politique et de l’égoïsme personnel il sut se distancier de tous ses collègues qui ont péri dans les purges écartant ainsi les soupçons qui pesaient sur lui aussi. Le fait qu’il réussit à deux reprises de retourner de Moscou indemne en tant qu’au moins messager, sinon, comme il se représentait lui-même, comme mandataire de Komintern, lui permit de s’établir définitivement au sommet de la hiérarchie communiste en Yougoslavie dont il avait commencé le renouveau dès 1936.
PB  - Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA
T2  - Balcanica
T1  - L’ascension au pouvoir au temps des purges staliniennes  La longue marche de Tito vers le sommet du parti communiste yougoslave (1937–1939)
SP  - 299
EP  - 337
VL  - 50
DO  - 10.2298/BALC1950299P
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7832
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Pavlović, Vojislav G.",
year = "2019",
abstract = "Tito vécut les purges staliniennes principalement en dehors de l’Union soviétique, ce qui lui permit de survivre, mais aussi d’en profiter pour devenir le principal dirigeant du parti. Les séjours à Moscou, en 1938 et 1939 furent des rudes épreuves pour lui, mais par un savant mélange d’opportunisme politique et de l’égoïsme personnel il sut se distancier de tous ses collègues qui ont péri dans les purges écartant ainsi les soupçons qui pesaient sur lui aussi. Le fait qu’il réussit à deux reprises de retourner de Moscou indemne en tant qu’au moins messager, sinon, comme il se représentait lui-même, comme mandataire de Komintern, lui permit de s’établir définitivement au sommet de la hiérarchie communiste en Yougoslavie dont il avait commencé le renouveau dès 1936.",
publisher = "Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA",
journal = "Balcanica",
title = "L’ascension au pouvoir au temps des purges staliniennes  La longue marche de Tito vers le sommet du parti communiste yougoslave (1937–1939)",
pages = "299-337",
volume = "50",
doi = "10.2298/BALC1950299P",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7832"
}

Pavlović, V. G.. (2019). L’ascension au pouvoir au temps des purges staliniennes  La longue marche de Tito vers le sommet du parti communiste yougoslave (1937–1939). in Balcanica
Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA., 50, 299-337.
https://doi.org/10.2298/BALC1950299P
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7832

Pavlović VG. L’ascension au pouvoir au temps des purges staliniennes  La longue marche de Tito vers le sommet du parti communiste yougoslave (1937–1939). in Balcanica. 2019;50:299-337.
doi:10.2298/BALC1950299P
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7832 .

Pavlović, Vojislav G., "L’ascension au pouvoir au temps des purges staliniennes  La longue marche de Tito vers le sommet du parti communiste yougoslave (1937–1939)" in Balcanica, 50 (2019):299-337,
https://doi.org/10.2298/BALC1950299P .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7832 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Bakić, Dragan
PY  - 2019
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/7788
AB  - This paper seeks to examine the outlook of the Serbian Minister in London,
Mateja Mata Bošković, during the first half of the Great War on the South Slav (Yugoslav)
question – a unification of all the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes in a single state, which was
Serbia’s war aim. He found himself in close contact with the members of the Yugoslav
Committee, an organisation of the irredentist Yugoslav émigrés from Austria-Hungary
in which two Croat politicians, Frano Supilo and Ante Trumbić, were leading figures. In
stark contrast to other Serbian diplomats, Bošković was not enthusiastic about Yugoslav
unification. He suspected the Croat émigrés, especially Supilo, of pursuing exclusive
Croat interests under the ruse of the Yugoslav programme. His dealings with them were
made more difficult on account of the siding of a group of British “friends of Serbia”, the
most prominent of which were Robert William Seton-Watson and Henry Wickham
Steed, with the Croat émigrés. Though not opposed in principle to an integral Yugoslav
unification, Bošković preferred staunch defence of Serbian Macedonia from Bulgarian
ambitions and the acquisition of Serb-populated provinces in southern Hungary, while
in the west he seems to have been content with the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina,
part of Slavonia and an outlet to the Adriatic Sea in Dalmatia. Finally, the reception of
and reaction to Bošković’s reports on the part of the Serbian Prime Minister, Nikola Pašić,
clearly shows that the latter was determined to persist in his Yugoslav policy, despite the
Treaty of London which assigned large parts of the Slovene and Croat lands to Italy and
made the creation of Yugoslavia an unlikely proposition. In other words, Pašić did not
vacillate between the “small” and the “large programme”, between Yugoslavia and Greater
Serbia, as it has been often alleged in historiography and public discourse.
PB  - Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA
T2  - Balcanica
T1  - The Serbian Minister in London, Mateja Bošković, the Yugoslav Committee, and Serbia's Yugoslav Policy in the Great War, 1914-1916
SP  - 173
EP  - 215
VL  - L
DO  - 10.2298/BALC1950173B
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7788
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Bakić, Dragan",
year = "2019",
abstract = "This paper seeks to examine the outlook of the Serbian Minister in London,
Mateja Mata Bošković, during the first half of the Great War on the South Slav (Yugoslav)
question – a unification of all the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes in a single state, which was
Serbia’s war aim. He found himself in close contact with the members of the Yugoslav
Committee, an organisation of the irredentist Yugoslav émigrés from Austria-Hungary
in which two Croat politicians, Frano Supilo and Ante Trumbić, were leading figures. In
stark contrast to other Serbian diplomats, Bošković was not enthusiastic about Yugoslav
unification. He suspected the Croat émigrés, especially Supilo, of pursuing exclusive
Croat interests under the ruse of the Yugoslav programme. His dealings with them were
made more difficult on account of the siding of a group of British “friends of Serbia”, the
most prominent of which were Robert William Seton-Watson and Henry Wickham
Steed, with the Croat émigrés. Though not opposed in principle to an integral Yugoslav
unification, Bošković preferred staunch defence of Serbian Macedonia from Bulgarian
ambitions and the acquisition of Serb-populated provinces in southern Hungary, while
in the west he seems to have been content with the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina,
part of Slavonia and an outlet to the Adriatic Sea in Dalmatia. Finally, the reception of
and reaction to Bošković’s reports on the part of the Serbian Prime Minister, Nikola Pašić,
clearly shows that the latter was determined to persist in his Yugoslav policy, despite the
Treaty of London which assigned large parts of the Slovene and Croat lands to Italy and
made the creation of Yugoslavia an unlikely proposition. In other words, Pašić did not
vacillate between the “small” and the “large programme”, between Yugoslavia and Greater
Serbia, as it has been often alleged in historiography and public discourse.",
publisher = "Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA",
journal = "Balcanica",
title = "The Serbian Minister in London, Mateja Bošković, the Yugoslav Committee, and Serbia's Yugoslav Policy in the Great War, 1914-1916",
pages = "173-215",
volume = "L",
doi = "10.2298/BALC1950173B",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7788"
}

Bakić, D.. (2019). The Serbian Minister in London, Mateja Bošković, the Yugoslav Committee, and Serbia's Yugoslav Policy in the Great War, 1914-1916. in Balcanica
Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA., L, 173-215.
https://doi.org/10.2298/BALC1950173B
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7788

Bakić D. The Serbian Minister in London, Mateja Bošković, the Yugoslav Committee, and Serbia's Yugoslav Policy in the Great War, 1914-1916. in Balcanica. 2019;L:173-215.
doi:10.2298/BALC1950173B
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7788 .

Bakić, Dragan, "The Serbian Minister in London, Mateja Bošković, the Yugoslav Committee, and Serbia's Yugoslav Policy in the Great War, 1914-1916" in Balcanica, L (2019):173-215,
https://doi.org/10.2298/BALC1950173B .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7788 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Драгаш, Константин
PY  - 2019
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/7918
PB  - Нови Сад : Матица српска
T2  - Зборник матице српске за историју
T1  - Биографија профињеног фашисте. Е. ди Риенцо, Ћано. Јавни и приватни живот режимског зета Италије током црних двадесет година, Салерно едитриче, Рим 2018. E. di Rienzo, Ciano. Vita pubblica e privata del „genero di regime“ nell' Italia del Ventennio nero, Salerno Editrice, Roma 2018, pp. 700
SP  - 149
EP  - 151
IS  - 100 (2/2019)
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7918
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Драгаш, Константин",
year = "2019",
publisher = "Нови Сад : Матица српска",
journal = "Зборник матице српске за историју",
title = "Биографија профињеног фашисте. Е. ди Риенцо, Ћано. Јавни и приватни живот режимског зета Италије током црних двадесет година, Салерно едитриче, Рим 2018. E. di Rienzo, Ciano. Vita pubblica e privata del „genero di regime“ nell' Italia del Ventennio nero, Salerno Editrice, Roma 2018, pp. 700",
pages = "149-151",
number = "100 (2/2019)",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7918"
}

Драгаш, К.. (2019). Биографија профињеног фашисте. Е. ди Риенцо, Ћано. Јавни и приватни живот режимског зета Италије током црних двадесет година, Салерно едитриче, Рим 2018. E. di Rienzo, Ciano. Vita pubblica e privata del „genero di regime“ nell' Italia del Ventennio nero, Salerno Editrice, Roma 2018, pp. 700. in Зборник матице српске за историју
Нови Сад : Матица српска.(100 (2/2019)), 149-151.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7918

Драгаш К. Биографија профињеног фашисте. Е. ди Риенцо, Ћано. Јавни и приватни живот режимског зета Италије током црних двадесет година, Салерно едитриче, Рим 2018. E. di Rienzo, Ciano. Vita pubblica e privata del „genero di regime“ nell' Italia del Ventennio nero, Salerno Editrice, Roma 2018, pp. 700. in Зборник матице српске за историју. 2019;(100 (2/2019)):149-151.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7918 .

Драгаш, Константин, "Биографија профињеног фашисте. Е. ди Риенцо, Ћано. Јавни и приватни живот режимског зета Италије током црних двадесет година, Салерно едитриче, Рим 2018. E. di Rienzo, Ciano. Vita pubblica e privata del „genero di regime“ nell' Italia del Ventennio nero, Salerno Editrice, Roma 2018, pp. 700" in Зборник матице српске за историју, no. 100 (2/2019) (2019):149-151,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7918 .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Вукадиновић, Игор
PY  - 2019
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/7971
AB  - Тема рада je анализа друштвених појава и процеса који су се јавили на територији Косова и Метохије у прве три деценије након завршетка Другог светског рата. Истраживање ће настојати да установи специфичне одлике косовско-метохијске социјалне политике, кроз њено стављање у југословенски и глобални контекст.
Праву прекретницу у историји овог подручја представља формирање територијалне јединице која је у периоду 1945–1974. године носила називе „Аутономна косовско-метохијска област“, „Аутономна покрајина Косово и Метохија“ и „Социјалистичка аутономна покрајина Косово“. Југословенске власти су на Косово и Метохију гледале као на економски и културно заостало подручје којем је неопходна помоћ, што је довело до масовних инвестиција Србије и Југославије у ову аутономну јединицу.
Инвестиције су у имале за циљ побољшање животног стандарда, здравственог стања и културно уздизање становника Косова и Метохије и у свим набројаним сегментима дошло је до значајног напретка.
Југословенска социјална политика према Косову директно се одразила на демографска кретања у покрајини у виду повећања природног прираштаја и пресељења људи из села у градове. То је довело до експлозивног раста броја становника покрајине и појаве града Приштине као њеног политичког, економског и културног центра са преко 100 хиљада становника. Такође, међунационални односи и доминација Албанаца у управљачким структурама косовских предузећа и установа довела су до исељавања Срба са овог простора у друге делове Југославије.
Истраживање ће обухватити и политику социјалистичке Југославије у области просвете и културе кроз акције просвећивања становништва Косова и Метохије и  ширење мреже основних и средњих школа и факултета у покрајини, као и утицај овакве просветне политике на формирање албанске интелектуалне елите у социјалистичкој Југославији.
AB  - The theme of paper is an analysis of social phenomena and processes that occurred in the territory of Kosovo and Metohija in the first three decades after the Second World War. In this period, two factors have decisively influenced the Yugoslavian social policy in Kosovo. The first one is the formation of an Autonomous Kosovo-Metohija region, which later became Socialist Autonomous province of Kosovo. Yugoslavian authorities treated this autonomous unit as a single political entity that was expected to realize all economic, social and cultural elements that had other similar entities in Yugoslavia – socialist republics. 
Another factor in social policy in that area was а significant presence of the Albanian national minority. Socialist Yugoslavia had special institutions and party committees that supervised the social status of national minorities and had the task of improving their material and cultural position.
In addition to political and national motives, the social policy of Yugoslavian communists in Kosovo and Metohija was conditioned by the cultural and economic backwardness of this region, with the lowest literacy rate and the lowest national income per capita in Yugoslavia. This further stimulated Yugoslavia's economic and cultural investment in the province, with the aim of reducing its underdevelopment.
PB  - Београд : Висока школа социјалног рада
PB  - Симферополь : Крымский федеральный университет имени В. И. Вернадского
T2  - Socijalna politika u Srbiji na raskršću vekova: tematski zbornik radova međunarodnog značaja
T1  - Југословенска социјална политика на Косову и Метохији (1945-1974)
SP  - 235
EP  - 245
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7971
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Вукадиновић, Игор",
year = "2019",
abstract = "Тема рада je анализа друштвених појава и процеса који су се јавили на територији Косова и Метохије у прве три деценије након завршетка Другог светског рата. Истраживање ће настојати да установи специфичне одлике косовско-метохијске социјалне политике, кроз њено стављање у југословенски и глобални контекст.
Праву прекретницу у историји овог подручја представља формирање територијалне јединице која је у периоду 1945–1974. године носила називе „Аутономна косовско-метохијска област“, „Аутономна покрајина Косово и Метохија“ и „Социјалистичка аутономна покрајина Косово“. Југословенске власти су на Косово и Метохију гледале као на економски и културно заостало подручје којем је неопходна помоћ, што је довело до масовних инвестиција Србије и Југославије у ову аутономну јединицу.
Инвестиције су у имале за циљ побољшање животног стандарда, здравственог стања и културно уздизање становника Косова и Метохије и у свим набројаним сегментима дошло је до значајног напретка.
Југословенска социјална политика према Косову директно се одразила на демографска кретања у покрајини у виду повећања природног прираштаја и пресељења људи из села у градове. То је довело до експлозивног раста броја становника покрајине и појаве града Приштине као њеног политичког, економског и културног центра са преко 100 хиљада становника. Такође, међунационални односи и доминација Албанаца у управљачким структурама косовских предузећа и установа довела су до исељавања Срба са овог простора у друге делове Југославије.
Истраживање ће обухватити и политику социјалистичке Југославије у области просвете и културе кроз акције просвећивања становништва Косова и Метохије и  ширење мреже основних и средњих школа и факултета у покрајини, као и утицај овакве просветне политике на формирање албанске интелектуалне елите у социјалистичкој Југославији., The theme of paper is an analysis of social phenomena and processes that occurred in the territory of Kosovo and Metohija in the first three decades after the Second World War. In this period, two factors have decisively influenced the Yugoslavian social policy in Kosovo. The first one is the formation of an Autonomous Kosovo-Metohija region, which later became Socialist Autonomous province of Kosovo. Yugoslavian authorities treated this autonomous unit as a single political entity that was expected to realize all economic, social and cultural elements that had other similar entities in Yugoslavia – socialist republics. 
Another factor in social policy in that area was а significant presence of the Albanian national minority. Socialist Yugoslavia had special institutions and party committees that supervised the social status of national minorities and had the task of improving their material and cultural position.
In addition to political and national motives, the social policy of Yugoslavian communists in Kosovo and Metohija was conditioned by the cultural and economic backwardness of this region, with the lowest literacy rate and the lowest national income per capita in Yugoslavia. This further stimulated Yugoslavia's economic and cultural investment in the province, with the aim of reducing its underdevelopment.",
publisher = "Београд : Висока школа социјалног рада, Симферополь : Крымский федеральный университет имени В. И. Вернадского",
journal = "Socijalna politika u Srbiji na raskršću vekova: tematski zbornik radova međunarodnog značaja",
booktitle = "Југословенска социјална политика на Косову и Метохији (1945-1974)",
pages = "235-245",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7971"
}

Вукадиновић, И.. (2019). Југословенска социјална политика на Косову и Метохији (1945-1974). in Socijalna politika u Srbiji na raskršću vekova: tematski zbornik radova međunarodnog značaja
Београд : Висока школа социјалног рада., 235-245.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7971

Вукадиновић И. Југословенска социјална политика на Косову и Метохији (1945-1974). in Socijalna politika u Srbiji na raskršću vekova: tematski zbornik radova međunarodnog značaja. 2019;:235-245.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7971 .

Вукадиновић, Игор, "Југословенска социјална политика на Косову и Метохији (1945-1974)" in Socijalna politika u Srbiji na raskršću vekova: tematski zbornik radova međunarodnog značaja (2019):235-245,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7971 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Вукадиновић, Игор
PY  - 2019
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/7805
AB  - У раду се анализира устанак против Народноослободилачке војске Југославије, који је у  јануару 1945. године подигао балистички вођа и сарадник фашистичког режима током Другог светског рата Шабан Полужа. Аутор указује на претходну попустљивост југословенских власти и покушај нагодбе са албанским сарадницима окупатора што је на крају резултирало оружаном побуном против југословенске државе. Чланак је писан на основу архивске грађе Војног архива у Београду, Архива Србије и Архива Југославије, као и објављених историјских извора и литературе на ову тему.
PB  - Лепосавић : Институт за српску културу
T2  - Баштина
T1  - Устанак Шабана Полуже у Дреници 1945. године
SP  - 291
EP  - 310
IS  - 49
DO  - 10.5937/bastina1949291V
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7805
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Вукадиновић, Игор",
year = "2019",
abstract = "У раду се анализира устанак против Народноослободилачке војске Југославије, који је у  јануару 1945. године подигао балистички вођа и сарадник фашистичког режима током Другог светског рата Шабан Полужа. Аутор указује на претходну попустљивост југословенских власти и покушај нагодбе са албанским сарадницима окупатора што је на крају резултирало оружаном побуном против југословенске државе. Чланак је писан на основу архивске грађе Војног архива у Београду, Архива Србије и Архива Југославије, као и објављених историјских извора и литературе на ову тему.",
publisher = "Лепосавић : Институт за српску културу",
journal = "Баштина",
title = "Устанак Шабана Полуже у Дреници 1945. године",
pages = "291-310",
number = "49",
doi = "10.5937/bastina1949291V",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7805"
}

Вукадиновић, И.. (2019). Устанак Шабана Полуже у Дреници 1945. године. in Баштина
Лепосавић : Институт за српску културу.(49), 291-310.
https://doi.org/10.5937/bastina1949291V
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7805

Вукадиновић И. Устанак Шабана Полуже у Дреници 1945. године. in Баштина. 2019;(49):291-310.
doi:10.5937/bastina1949291V
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7805 .

Вукадиновић, Игор, "Устанак Шабана Полуже у Дреници 1945. године" in Баштина, no. 49 (2019):291-310,
https://doi.org/10.5937/bastina1949291V .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7805 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Markovich, Slobodan G.
PY  - 2019
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/7829
AB  - The paper deals with the orientation of the Yugoslav freemasonry during the existence of the Grand Lodge of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes “Jugoslavia” (GLJ), later the Grand Lodge of Yugoslavia (GLY). The state of freemasonry in Serbia on the eve of the Great War is briefly described and followed by an analysis of how the experience of the First World War influenced Serbian freemasons to establish strong ties with French freemasonry. During the 1920s the Grand Lodge “Jugoslavia” maintained very close relations with the Grand Orient of France and the Grand Lodge of France, and this was particularly obvious when GLJ got the opportunity to organise the Masonic congress for peace in Belgrade in 1926 through its links with French Freemasonry. Grand Master Georges Weifert (1919–34) also symbolised close links of French and Serbian freemasonry. However, his deputy and later Grand Master Douchan Militchevitch (1934–39) initiated in 1936 the policy of reorientation of Yugoslav freemasonry to the United Grand Lodge of England. Although there had already been such initiatives, they could not be materialised due to the fact that it was not until 1930 that the United Grand Lodge of England (UGLE) recognised several continental grand lodges, including GLJ. In a special section efforts of GLJ to be recognised by UGLE are analysed. Efforts for reorientation of GLY were conducted through several persons, including Douchan Militchevitch (1869–1939), Stanoje Mihajlović (1882–1946), Vladimir Ćorović (1885–1941) and Dragan Militchevitch (1895–1942). Special attention is given to the plans of GLY’s grand master to make the Duke of York (subsequently King George VI), who was a very dedicated freemason, an honorary past master of GLY. This plan failed, and the main idea behind it was to make GLY more resistant to internal clerical attacks and also to the external pressure of Italy. Mihajlović’s three official Masonic visits to Britain (1933–39) are analysed as well as a private visit of Ćorović and Dragan Militchevitch in March 1940. In the context of the visits made in 1939–40 plans to establish an Anglo-Yugoslav lodge are also analysed. Finally, the context of the de facto ban on Yugoslav freemasonry in August 1940 is given and the subsequent fates of its pro-British actors are also described.
PB  - Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA
T2  - Balcanica
T1  - The Grand Lodge of Yugoslavia between France and Britain (1919–1940)
SP  - 261
EP  - 297
VL  - 50
DO  - 10.2298/BALC1950261M
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7829
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Markovich, Slobodan G.",
year = "2019",
abstract = "The paper deals with the orientation of the Yugoslav freemasonry during the existence of the Grand Lodge of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes “Jugoslavia” (GLJ), later the Grand Lodge of Yugoslavia (GLY). The state of freemasonry in Serbia on the eve of the Great War is briefly described and followed by an analysis of how the experience of the First World War influenced Serbian freemasons to establish strong ties with French freemasonry. During the 1920s the Grand Lodge “Jugoslavia” maintained very close relations with the Grand Orient of France and the Grand Lodge of France, and this was particularly obvious when GLJ got the opportunity to organise the Masonic congress for peace in Belgrade in 1926 through its links with French Freemasonry. Grand Master Georges Weifert (1919–34) also symbolised close links of French and Serbian freemasonry. However, his deputy and later Grand Master Douchan Militchevitch (1934–39) initiated in 1936 the policy of reorientation of Yugoslav freemasonry to the United Grand Lodge of England. Although there had already been such initiatives, they could not be materialised due to the fact that it was not until 1930 that the United Grand Lodge of England (UGLE) recognised several continental grand lodges, including GLJ. In a special section efforts of GLJ to be recognised by UGLE are analysed. Efforts for reorientation of GLY were conducted through several persons, including Douchan Militchevitch (1869–1939), Stanoje Mihajlović (1882–1946), Vladimir Ćorović (1885–1941) and Dragan Militchevitch (1895–1942). Special attention is given to the plans of GLY’s grand master to make the Duke of York (subsequently King George VI), who was a very dedicated freemason, an honorary past master of GLY. This plan failed, and the main idea behind it was to make GLY more resistant to internal clerical attacks and also to the external pressure of Italy. Mihajlović’s three official Masonic visits to Britain (1933–39) are analysed as well as a private visit of Ćorović and Dragan Militchevitch in March 1940. In the context of the visits made in 1939–40 plans to establish an Anglo-Yugoslav lodge are also analysed. Finally, the context of the de facto ban on Yugoslav freemasonry in August 1940 is given and the subsequent fates of its pro-British actors are also described.",
publisher = "Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA",
journal = "Balcanica",
title = "The Grand Lodge of Yugoslavia between France and Britain (1919–1940)",
pages = "261-297",
volume = "50",
doi = "10.2298/BALC1950261M",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7829"
}

Markovich, S. G.. (2019). The Grand Lodge of Yugoslavia between France and Britain (1919–1940). in Balcanica
Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA., 50, 261-297.
https://doi.org/10.2298/BALC1950261M
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7829

Markovich SG. The Grand Lodge of Yugoslavia between France and Britain (1919–1940). in Balcanica. 2019;50:261-297.
doi:10.2298/BALC1950261M
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7829 .

Markovich, Slobodan G., "The Grand Lodge of Yugoslavia between France and Britain (1919–1940)" in Balcanica, 50 (2019):261-297,
https://doi.org/10.2298/BALC1950261M .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7829 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Milosavljević, Boris
PY  - 2019
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/7824
AB  - The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was internationally recognized during the Paris Peace Conference in 1919–20. Even though there was neither a provisional nor a permanent constitution of the newly-formed state, factually there was a state as well as a system of governance, represented by supreme bodies, the King and the Parliament. Many draft constitutions were prepared by different political parties and notable individuals. We shall focus on the official Draft Constitution prepared during the premiership of Stojan Protić. He appointed the Drafting Committee as a governmental (multi-ethnic) advisory team of prominent legal experts from different parts of the new state consisting of Professors Slobodan Jovanović (President), Kosta Kumanudi and Lazar Marković (Serbia), Professor Ladislav Polić (Croatia) and Dr Bogumil Vošnjak (Slovenia). After two months of work, the Committee submitted its draft to the Prime Minister. The leading Serbian legal scholar and president of the committee, Slobodan Jovanović (1869–1958), was well-acquainted with the details of Austro-Hungarian and German legal traditions. Since he was an active participant and witness of the events that led to the creation of the new state, while also being an objective and critical historian, it is important to shed light on his firsthand account of the emergence of the state of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes.
PB  - Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA
T2  - Balcanica
T1  - Drafting the Constitution of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (1920)
SP  - 225
EP  - 244
VL  - 50
DO  - 10.2298/BALC1950225M
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7824
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Milosavljević, Boris",
year = "2019",
abstract = "The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was internationally recognized during the Paris Peace Conference in 1919–20. Even though there was neither a provisional nor a permanent constitution of the newly-formed state, factually there was a state as well as a system of governance, represented by supreme bodies, the King and the Parliament. Many draft constitutions were prepared by different political parties and notable individuals. We shall focus on the official Draft Constitution prepared during the premiership of Stojan Protić. He appointed the Drafting Committee as a governmental (multi-ethnic) advisory team of prominent legal experts from different parts of the new state consisting of Professors Slobodan Jovanović (President), Kosta Kumanudi and Lazar Marković (Serbia), Professor Ladislav Polić (Croatia) and Dr Bogumil Vošnjak (Slovenia). After two months of work, the Committee submitted its draft to the Prime Minister. The leading Serbian legal scholar and president of the committee, Slobodan Jovanović (1869–1958), was well-acquainted with the details of Austro-Hungarian and German legal traditions. Since he was an active participant and witness of the events that led to the creation of the new state, while also being an objective and critical historian, it is important to shed light on his firsthand account of the emergence of the state of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes.",
publisher = "Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA",
journal = "Balcanica",
title = "Drafting the Constitution of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (1920)",
pages = "225-244",
volume = "50",
doi = "10.2298/BALC1950225M",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7824"
}

Milosavljević, B.. (2019). Drafting the Constitution of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (1920). in Balcanica
Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA., 50, 225-244.
https://doi.org/10.2298/BALC1950225M
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7824

Milosavljević B. Drafting the Constitution of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (1920). in Balcanica. 2019;50:225-244.
doi:10.2298/BALC1950225M
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7824 .

Milosavljević, Boris, "Drafting the Constitution of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (1920)" in Balcanica, 50 (2019):225-244,
https://doi.org/10.2298/BALC1950225M .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7824 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Fundić, Dušan
PY  - 2018
UR  - https://www.ceeol.com/search/article-detail?id=751342
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/6091
AB  - This paper analyses the Austro-Hungarian occupation of Serbia during the First World War and the activity of the occupation administration of the Military Governorate in the context of its “civilizing mission”. It points to the aspects of the occupation that reveal the Austro-Hungarians’ self-perception as bringers of culture and civilization as conducive to creating an ideological basis for a war against Serbia. The paper also presents their outlook on the world in the age of empires and their idea of establishing what they saw as a more acceptable cultural basis of Serbian national identity shaped primarily by loyalty to the Austro-Hungarian Emperor and King and the ideals of order and discipline. The process is studied through analysing the occupation policies aimed at depoliticizing the public sphere by closing the pre-war institutions of culture and education and introducing educational patterns primarily based on the Austro-Hungarian experience in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
PB  - Belgrade :  Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts
T2  - Balcanica
T1  - The Austro-Hungarian Occupation of Serbia as a “Civilizing Mission” (1915–1918)
SP  - 57
EP  - 68
IS  - XLIX
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6091
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Fundić, Dušan",
year = "2018",
abstract = "This paper analyses the Austro-Hungarian occupation of Serbia during the First World War and the activity of the occupation administration of the Military Governorate in the context of its “civilizing mission”. It points to the aspects of the occupation that reveal the Austro-Hungarians’ self-perception as bringers of culture and civilization as conducive to creating an ideological basis for a war against Serbia. The paper also presents their outlook on the world in the age of empires and their idea of establishing what they saw as a more acceptable cultural basis of Serbian national identity shaped primarily by loyalty to the Austro-Hungarian Emperor and King and the ideals of order and discipline. The process is studied through analysing the occupation policies aimed at depoliticizing the public sphere by closing the pre-war institutions of culture and education and introducing educational patterns primarily based on the Austro-Hungarian experience in Bosnia and Herzegovina.",
publisher = "Belgrade :  Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts",
journal = "Balcanica",
title = "The Austro-Hungarian Occupation of Serbia as a “Civilizing Mission” (1915–1918)",
pages = "57-68",
number = "XLIX",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6091"
}

Fundić, D.. (2018). The Austro-Hungarian Occupation of Serbia as a “Civilizing Mission” (1915–1918). in Balcanica
Belgrade :  Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts.(XLIX), 57-68.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6091

Fundić D. The Austro-Hungarian Occupation of Serbia as a “Civilizing Mission” (1915–1918). in Balcanica. 2018;(XLIX):57-68.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6091 .

Fundić, Dušan, "The Austro-Hungarian Occupation of Serbia as a “Civilizing Mission” (1915–1918)" in Balcanica, no. XLIX (2018):57-68,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6091 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Fundić, Dušan
PY  - 2018
UR  - https://www.ceeol.com/search/article-detail?id=751728
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/6074
PB  - Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts
T2  - Balcanica
T1  - British-Serbian Relations from the 18th to 21th Centuries, ed. Slobodan G. Markovich. Belgrade: Faculty of Political Sciences, University of Belgrade & Zepter Book World, 2018, 521 p.
SP  - 265
EP  - 268
IS  - XLIX
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6074
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Fundić, Dušan",
year = "2018",
publisher = "Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts",
journal = "Balcanica",
title = "British-Serbian Relations from the 18th to 21th Centuries, ed. Slobodan G. Markovich. Belgrade: Faculty of Political Sciences, University of Belgrade & Zepter Book World, 2018, 521 p.",
pages = "265-268",
number = "XLIX",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6074"
}

Fundić, D.. (2018). British-Serbian Relations from the 18th to 21th Centuries, ed. Slobodan G. Markovich. Belgrade: Faculty of Political Sciences, University of Belgrade & Zepter Book World, 2018, 521 p.. in Balcanica
Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts.(XLIX), 265-268.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6074

Fundić D. British-Serbian Relations from the 18th to 21th Centuries, ed. Slobodan G. Markovich. Belgrade: Faculty of Political Sciences, University of Belgrade & Zepter Book World, 2018, 521 p.. in Balcanica. 2018;(XLIX):265-268.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6074 .

Fundić, Dušan, "British-Serbian Relations from the 18th to 21th Centuries, ed. Slobodan G. Markovich. Belgrade: Faculty of Political Sciences, University of Belgrade & Zepter Book World, 2018, 521 p." in Balcanica, no. XLIX (2018):265-268,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6074 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Pavlović, Vojislav G.
PY  - 2018
UR  - https://www.ceeol.com/search/article-detail?id=751387
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/6064
AB  - L’arrivée du général Franchet d’Espèrey à Salonique, en tant que commandant des troupes alliées sur le front d’Orient, en juin 1918 a créé les conditions pour que les armées alliées, menées par les divisions serbes et françaises, réussissent à percer la ligne du front le 15 septembre et obligent la Bulgarie à signer l’armistice le 29 septembre. La victoire alliée à Salonique fut à l’origine de la décision de l’État-Major allemand d’exiger la fin des hostilités vu que l’écroulement du front dans les Balkans avait rendu vains tous les efforts pour gagner la guerre. Or, le gouvernement de Georges Clemenceau se refusa d’exploiter les fruits de la victoire au-delà de ses retombés sur les affaires balkaniques. L’armistice avec l’Empire Ottoman et la libération de la Serbie furent ses objectifs principaux. La rentrée de la Roumanie dans la guerre fut, en revanche, l’objectif d’une portée plus grande, car à travers elle fut prévue de rétablir les contacts avec les forces anti-bolchéviques en Russie.
PB  - Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts
T2  - Balcanica
T1  - Franchet d’Espèrey et la politique balkanique de la France 1918–1919
SP  - 107
EP  - 124
IS  - XLIX
DO  - 10.2298/BALC1849107P
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6064
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Pavlović, Vojislav G.",
year = "2018",
abstract = "L’arrivée du général Franchet d’Espèrey à Salonique, en tant que commandant des troupes alliées sur le front d’Orient, en juin 1918 a créé les conditions pour que les armées alliées, menées par les divisions serbes et françaises, réussissent à percer la ligne du front le 15 septembre et obligent la Bulgarie à signer l’armistice le 29 septembre. La victoire alliée à Salonique fut à l’origine de la décision de l’État-Major allemand d’exiger la fin des hostilités vu que l’écroulement du front dans les Balkans avait rendu vains tous les efforts pour gagner la guerre. Or, le gouvernement de Georges Clemenceau se refusa d’exploiter les fruits de la victoire au-delà de ses retombés sur les affaires balkaniques. L’armistice avec l’Empire Ottoman et la libération de la Serbie furent ses objectifs principaux. La rentrée de la Roumanie dans la guerre fut, en revanche, l’objectif d’une portée plus grande, car à travers elle fut prévue de rétablir les contacts avec les forces anti-bolchéviques en Russie.",
publisher = "Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts",
journal = "Balcanica",
title = "Franchet d’Espèrey et la politique balkanique de la France 1918–1919",
pages = "107-124",
number = "XLIX",
doi = "10.2298/BALC1849107P",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6064"
}

Pavlović, V. G.. (2018). Franchet d’Espèrey et la politique balkanique de la France 1918–1919. in Balcanica
Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts.(XLIX), 107-124.
https://doi.org/10.2298/BALC1849107P
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6064

Pavlović VG. Franchet d’Espèrey et la politique balkanique de la France 1918–1919. in Balcanica. 2018;(XLIX):107-124.
doi:10.2298/BALC1849107P
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6064 .

Pavlović, Vojislav G., "Franchet d’Espèrey et la politique balkanique de la France 1918–1919" in Balcanica, no. XLIX (2018):107-124,
https://doi.org/10.2298/BALC1849107P .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6064 .

TY  - CONF
AU  - Милосављевић, Борис
PY  - 2018
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/12037
AB  - У раду се приказује неколико аспеката односа Стојана Новаковића
и Слободана Јовановића, пре свега у вези са радом у Министарству иностраних дела и Новаковићевој
влади, и приватном преписком у којој су основна тема били њихови научни
радови. Указује се и на оцене које је Слободан Јовановић оставио о Новаковићевој политичкој
делатности, поједининим објављеним делима, карактеру и етичким схватањима. Кориштена
је архивска грађа из Архива Србије и Архива Српске академије наука и уметности,
текстови које је Слободан Јовановић објавио, као и радови из његове заоставштине који су
касније објављени.
AB  - The work shows several aspects of relation between Stojan Novaković and Slobodan
Jovanović, mainly regarding Jovanović’s work in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in
Novaković’s government and their private correspondence whose main topic were their
scholarly works. Evaluations which Slobodan Jovanović left regarding Novaković’s political
activities, some of his works, his character and ethical views are also included in the work.
Archive materials from Archive of Serbia and SASA Archives were used, as well as articles
which Slobodan Jovanović published, and works from his legacy which were published
later.
PB  - Београд : Српска академија наука и уметности
C3  - Стојан Новаковић : поводом сто седамдесет пет година од рођења
T1  - Стојан Новаковић и Слободан Јовановић
T1  - Stojan Novaković and Slobodan Jovanović
SP  - 357
EP  - 378
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12037
ER  - 

@conference{
author = "Милосављевић, Борис",
year = "2018",
abstract = "У раду се приказује неколико аспеката односа Стојана Новаковића
и Слободана Јовановића, пре свега у вези са радом у Министарству иностраних дела и Новаковићевој
влади, и приватном преписком у којој су основна тема били њихови научни
радови. Указује се и на оцене које је Слободан Јовановић оставио о Новаковићевој политичкој
делатности, поједининим објављеним делима, карактеру и етичким схватањима. Кориштена
је архивска грађа из Архива Србије и Архива Српске академије наука и уметности,
текстови које је Слободан Јовановић објавио, као и радови из његове заоставштине који су
касније објављени., The work shows several aspects of relation between Stojan Novaković and Slobodan
Jovanović, mainly regarding Jovanović’s work in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in
Novaković’s government and their private correspondence whose main topic were their
scholarly works. Evaluations which Slobodan Jovanović left regarding Novaković’s political
activities, some of his works, his character and ethical views are also included in the work.
Archive materials from Archive of Serbia and SASA Archives were used, as well as articles
which Slobodan Jovanović published, and works from his legacy which were published
later.",
publisher = "Београд : Српска академија наука и уметности",
journal = "Стојан Новаковић : поводом сто седамдесет пет година од рођења",
title = "Стојан Новаковић и Слободан Јовановић, Stojan Novaković and Slobodan Jovanović",
pages = "357-378",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12037"
}

Милосављевић, Б.. (2018). Стојан Новаковић и Слободан Јовановић. in Стојан Новаковић : поводом сто седамдесет пет година од рођења
Београд : Српска академија наука и уметности., 357-378.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12037

Милосављевић Б. Стојан Новаковић и Слободан Јовановић. in Стојан Новаковић : поводом сто седамдесет пет година од рођења. 2018;:357-378.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12037 .

Милосављевић, Борис, "Стојан Новаковић и Слободан Јовановић" in Стојан Новаковић : поводом сто седамдесет пет година од рођења (2018):357-378,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12037 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Lompar, Rastko
PY  - 2018
UR  - https://www.ceeol.com/search/article-detail?id=751717
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/6073
PB  - Belgrade: Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts
T2  - Balcanica
T1  - Catherine Merridale, Lenin on the Train. London: Penguin Books, 2016, 353 p.
SP  - 260
EP  - 262
IS  - XLIX
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6073
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Lompar, Rastko",
year = "2018",
publisher = "Belgrade: Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts",
journal = "Balcanica",
title = "Catherine Merridale, Lenin on the Train. London: Penguin Books, 2016, 353 p.",
pages = "260-262",
number = "XLIX",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6073"
}

Lompar, R.. (2018). Catherine Merridale, Lenin on the Train. London: Penguin Books, 2016, 353 p.. in Balcanica
Belgrade: Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts.(XLIX), 260-262.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6073

Lompar R. Catherine Merridale, Lenin on the Train. London: Penguin Books, 2016, 353 p.. in Balcanica. 2018;(XLIX):260-262.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6073 .

Lompar, Rastko, "Catherine Merridale, Lenin on the Train. London: Penguin Books, 2016, 353 p." in Balcanica, no. XLIX (2018):260-262,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6073 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Dragaš, Konstantin
PY  - 2018
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/7821
PB  - Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA
T2  - Balcanica
T1  - D. Lieven, The End of Tsarist Russia: The March to World War I and Revolution. New York: Penguin Books, 2015, 443 p.,
SP  - 256
EP  - 257
VL  - 49
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7821
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Dragaš, Konstantin",
year = "2018",
publisher = "Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA",
journal = "Balcanica",
title = "D. Lieven, The End of Tsarist Russia: The March to World War I and Revolution. New York: Penguin Books, 2015, 443 p.,",
pages = "256-257",
volume = "49",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7821"
}

Dragaš, K.. (2018). D. Lieven, The End of Tsarist Russia: The March to World War I and Revolution. New York: Penguin Books, 2015, 443 p.,. in Balcanica
Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA., 49, 256-257.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7821

Dragaš K. D. Lieven, The End of Tsarist Russia: The March to World War I and Revolution. New York: Penguin Books, 2015, 443 p.,. in Balcanica. 2018;49:256-257.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7821 .

Dragaš, Konstantin, "D. Lieven, The End of Tsarist Russia: The March to World War I and Revolution. New York: Penguin Books, 2015, 443 p.," in Balcanica, 49 (2018):256-257,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7821 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Dragaš, Konstantin
PY  - 2018
UR  - https://www.ceeol.com/search/article-detail?id=751761
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/6058
PB  - Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts
T2  - Balcanica
T1  - Dominic Lieven, The End of Tsarist Russia: The March to World War I and Revolution. New York: Penguin Books, 2015, 443 p.
SP  - 256
EP  - 258
IS  - XLIX
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6058
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Dragaš, Konstantin",
year = "2018",
publisher = "Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts",
journal = "Balcanica",
title = "Dominic Lieven, The End of Tsarist Russia: The March to World War I and Revolution. New York: Penguin Books, 2015, 443 p.",
pages = "256-258",
number = "XLIX",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6058"
}

Dragaš, K.. (2018). Dominic Lieven, The End of Tsarist Russia: The March to World War I and Revolution. New York: Penguin Books, 2015, 443 p.. in Balcanica
Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts.(XLIX), 256-258.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6058

Dragaš K. Dominic Lieven, The End of Tsarist Russia: The March to World War I and Revolution. New York: Penguin Books, 2015, 443 p.. in Balcanica. 2018;(XLIX):256-258.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6058 .

Dragaš, Konstantin, "Dominic Lieven, The End of Tsarist Russia: The March to World War I and Revolution. New York: Penguin Books, 2015, 443 p." in Balcanica, no. XLIX (2018):256-258,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6058 .

TY  - CONF
AU  - Ковић, Милош
PY  - 2018
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/12036
AB  - У раду су проучени најважнији путеви којим је Стојан Новаковић
дошао до својих југословенских идеја и кључни аргументи које је користио приликом њиховог
образлагања. Посебно су наглашени заједнички језик Срба и Хрвата, потом угледање на
лаичка и грађанска начела тадашње западне Европе, поверење у идентитетску политику и
творачку моћ државе и нужност повећања броја становника и проширења територије, у циљу
самоодбране од великих сила и суседа.
AB  - This article researches the origin of Stojan Novaković’s Yugoslav ideas and the
arguments which he used in their explanation. As shown, during his half-century long
public activities, and especially in the last decade of his life, Novaković was presenting
several key arguments in favor of the Yugoslav idea. Stojan Novaković believed that
modern nations are, above all, language communities, and that the key factor for Serbs and
Croats coming closer was their common, Serbian, language, which was born as a result of
Ljudevit Gaj’s linguistic reform. Novaković then, being a convinced “Westerner”, believed
in inevitability of victory of modern ideas of freedom, equality and lawfulness over mid-
European religious divisions and class privileges, which, in his opinion, had to lead to
convergence of Serbs and Croats. He also believed in “creational power of state” which, he
claimed, was able to bring different identities together and give them new quality. Finally,
he was writing about common interest of Yugoslavs to become united and stronger in
numbers, in order to defend themselves from major powers’ and neighbors’ ambitions.
PB  - Београд : Српска академија наука и уметности
C3  - Стојан Новаковић : поводом сто седамдесет пет година од рођења
T1  - Стојан Новаковић и југословенска идеја
T1  - Stojan Novaković and the Yugoslav idea
SP  - 347
EP  - 355
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12036
ER  - 

@conference{
author = "Ковић, Милош",
year = "2018",
abstract = "У раду су проучени најважнији путеви којим је Стојан Новаковић
дошао до својих југословенских идеја и кључни аргументи које је користио приликом њиховог
образлагања. Посебно су наглашени заједнички језик Срба и Хрвата, потом угледање на
лаичка и грађанска начела тадашње западне Европе, поверење у идентитетску политику и
творачку моћ државе и нужност повећања броја становника и проширења територије, у циљу
самоодбране од великих сила и суседа., This article researches the origin of Stojan Novaković’s Yugoslav ideas and the
arguments which he used in their explanation. As shown, during his half-century long
public activities, and especially in the last decade of his life, Novaković was presenting
several key arguments in favor of the Yugoslav idea. Stojan Novaković believed that
modern nations are, above all, language communities, and that the key factor for Serbs and
Croats coming closer was their common, Serbian, language, which was born as a result of
Ljudevit Gaj’s linguistic reform. Novaković then, being a convinced “Westerner”, believed
in inevitability of victory of modern ideas of freedom, equality and lawfulness over mid-
European religious divisions and class privileges, which, in his opinion, had to lead to
convergence of Serbs and Croats. He also believed in “creational power of state” which, he
claimed, was able to bring different identities together and give them new quality. Finally,
he was writing about common interest of Yugoslavs to become united and stronger in
numbers, in order to defend themselves from major powers’ and neighbors’ ambitions.",
publisher = "Београд : Српска академија наука и уметности",
journal = "Стојан Новаковић : поводом сто седамдесет пет година од рођења",
title = "Стојан Новаковић и југословенска идеја, Stojan Novaković and the Yugoslav idea",
pages = "347-355",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12036"
}

Ковић, М.. (2018). Стојан Новаковић и југословенска идеја. in Стојан Новаковић : поводом сто седамдесет пет година од рођења
Београд : Српска академија наука и уметности., 347-355.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12036

Ковић М. Стојан Новаковић и југословенска идеја. in Стојан Новаковић : поводом сто седамдесет пет година од рођења. 2018;:347-355.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12036 .

Ковић, Милош, "Стојан Новаковић и југословенска идеја" in Стојан Новаковић : поводом сто седамдесет пет година од рођења (2018):347-355,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12036 .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Bakić, Dragan
PY  - 2018
UR  - http://zdjp.si/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/AH_26-2018-1_BAKI%C4%86.pdf
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/5263
AB  - This paper analysis the policy of Milan Stojadinović, Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia (1935–1939) towards the Croat question, i.e. the passive resistance with which the Croat Peasant Party led by Vlatko Maček opposed the Belgrade government, struggling for an autonomous status of Croatia. Based on the private papers of Stojadinović and Prince Regent, Paul Karadjordjević, the reports of the well-informed and shrewd British Minister in Belgrade, Ronald Hugh Campbell, as well as the rich literature on the Serbo-Croat relations in the Kingdom, this article attempts to examine Stojadinović’s approach to the Croat problem. It is argued here that Stojadinović’s treatment of the Croat question was closely related to his foreign policy, especially towards Italy and Germany.
PB  - Koper : Zgodovinsko društvo za južno Primorsko
T2  - Acta Histriae
T1  - Milan Stojadinović, the Croat Question and the International Position of Yugoslavia, 1935-1939
SP  - 207
EP  - 228
VL  - 26
IS  - 1
DO  - 10.19233/AH.2018.09
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5263
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Bakić, Dragan",
year = "2018",
abstract = "This paper analysis the policy of Milan Stojadinović, Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia (1935–1939) towards the Croat question, i.e. the passive resistance with which the Croat Peasant Party led by Vlatko Maček opposed the Belgrade government, struggling for an autonomous status of Croatia. Based on the private papers of Stojadinović and Prince Regent, Paul Karadjordjević, the reports of the well-informed and shrewd British Minister in Belgrade, Ronald Hugh Campbell, as well as the rich literature on the Serbo-Croat relations in the Kingdom, this article attempts to examine Stojadinović’s approach to the Croat problem. It is argued here that Stojadinović’s treatment of the Croat question was closely related to his foreign policy, especially towards Italy and Germany.",
publisher = "Koper : Zgodovinsko društvo za južno Primorsko",
journal = "Acta Histriae",
booktitle = "Milan Stojadinović, the Croat Question and the International Position of Yugoslavia, 1935-1939",
pages = "207-228",
volume = "26",
number = "1",
doi = "10.19233/AH.2018.09",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5263"
}

Bakić, D.. (2018). Milan Stojadinović, the Croat Question and the International Position of Yugoslavia, 1935-1939. in Acta Histriae
Koper : Zgodovinsko društvo za južno Primorsko., 26(1), 207-228.
https://doi.org/10.19233/AH.2018.09
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5263

Bakić D. Milan Stojadinović, the Croat Question and the International Position of Yugoslavia, 1935-1939. in Acta Histriae. 2018;26(1):207-228.
doi:10.19233/AH.2018.09
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5263 .

Bakić, Dragan, "Milan Stojadinović, the Croat Question and the International Position of Yugoslavia, 1935-1939" in Acta Histriae, 26, no. 1 (2018):207-228,
https://doi.org/10.19233/AH.2018.09 .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5263 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Markovich, Slobodan G.
PY  - 2018
UR  - https://www.ceeol.com/search/article-detail?id=751398
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/6063
AB  - The paper analyses the construction of a more than favourable image of EleftheriosVenizelos in Britain in 1915–1920. Although Venizelos was highly praised and popular in Britain since at least 1913, his effort to bring Greece to the side of the Entente in 1915 made him exceptionally popular in Paris and particularly in London. Traditions of British philhellenism have been analysed, particularly the influence of two associations: the Hellenic Society founded in 1879 and, especially, the Anglo-Hellenic League established in 1913. The latter helped boost Venizelos’s image in Britain, but it also paved the way for Anglo-Hellenism, the belief of some influential Britons that the fate of modern Greece is inseparably linked with Britain. The Times leaders/editorials and key articles on Venizelos in 1915–1920 have been analysed to demonstrate the level of support and admiration that Venizelos gradually attained. The role of Ronald Burrows and the group of experts around The New Europe is particularly analysed in terms of how the image of Venizelos and Venzelist Greece was constructed. The degree of admiration for Venizelos in Britain has been dealt with through a number of periodicals and newspapers published in Britain during the Great War and through Venizelos’s biographies published in Britain with an aim to show how he became a widely respected super-celebrity. The views of leading British statesmen and opinion makers also indicate a quite high degree of identification with both Venizelos and Greek war aims in Britain in 1915–1920. The climax and the collapse of Anglo-Hellenism in 1919–20 are analysed at the end of the paper. When Venizelos lost the elections of November 1920, Anglo-Hellenism disappeared as a relevant factor in British politics, journalism and diplomacy.
PB  - Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts
T2  - Balcanica
T1  - Eleftherios Venizelos, British Public Opinion and the Climax of Anglo-Hellenism (1915–1920)
SP  - 125
EP  - 156
IS  - XLIX
DO  - 10.2298/BALC1849125M
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6063
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Markovich, Slobodan G.",
year = "2018",
abstract = "The paper analyses the construction of a more than favourable image of EleftheriosVenizelos in Britain in 1915–1920. Although Venizelos was highly praised and popular in Britain since at least 1913, his effort to bring Greece to the side of the Entente in 1915 made him exceptionally popular in Paris and particularly in London. Traditions of British philhellenism have been analysed, particularly the influence of two associations: the Hellenic Society founded in 1879 and, especially, the Anglo-Hellenic League established in 1913. The latter helped boost Venizelos’s image in Britain, but it also paved the way for Anglo-Hellenism, the belief of some influential Britons that the fate of modern Greece is inseparably linked with Britain. The Times leaders/editorials and key articles on Venizelos in 1915–1920 have been analysed to demonstrate the level of support and admiration that Venizelos gradually attained. The role of Ronald Burrows and the group of experts around The New Europe is particularly analysed in terms of how the image of Venizelos and Venzelist Greece was constructed. The degree of admiration for Venizelos in Britain has been dealt with through a number of periodicals and newspapers published in Britain during the Great War and through Venizelos’s biographies published in Britain with an aim to show how he became a widely respected super-celebrity. The views of leading British statesmen and opinion makers also indicate a quite high degree of identification with both Venizelos and Greek war aims in Britain in 1915–1920. The climax and the collapse of Anglo-Hellenism in 1919–20 are analysed at the end of the paper. When Venizelos lost the elections of November 1920, Anglo-Hellenism disappeared as a relevant factor in British politics, journalism and diplomacy.",
publisher = "Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts",
journal = "Balcanica",
title = "Eleftherios Venizelos, British Public Opinion and the Climax of Anglo-Hellenism (1915–1920)",
pages = "125-156",
number = "XLIX",
doi = "10.2298/BALC1849125M",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6063"
}

Markovich, S. G.. (2018). Eleftherios Venizelos, British Public Opinion and the Climax of Anglo-Hellenism (1915–1920). in Balcanica
Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts.(XLIX), 125-156.
https://doi.org/10.2298/BALC1849125M
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6063

Markovich SG. Eleftherios Venizelos, British Public Opinion and the Climax of Anglo-Hellenism (1915–1920). in Balcanica. 2018;(XLIX):125-156.
doi:10.2298/BALC1849125M
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6063 .

Markovich, Slobodan G., "Eleftherios Venizelos, British Public Opinion and the Climax of Anglo-Hellenism (1915–1920)" in Balcanica, no. XLIX (2018):125-156,
https://doi.org/10.2298/BALC1849125M .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6063 .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Bakić, Dragan
PY  - 2018
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/5269
AB  - This paper examines in broad lines the relations between Great Britain and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (Yugoslavia) throughout the two interwar decades of the latter country’s existence. The survey shows that Yugoslavia was the most important country in the Balkans and thus commanded serious attention of British diplomacy, since Yugoslav foreign policy had an impact on Great Power rivalries in South-Eastern Europe incommensurate with her size and actual strength. While Yugoslavia constantly sought security for her borders, the Foreign Office wanted to see her as a pillar of peace and stability in the region. With her permanent troubles with hostile neighbours, most notably Italy, and internal tensions, the main of which was Croat discontent, this was a difficult undertaking for the Belgrade government. The Foreign Office had a good deal of sympathy for Yugoslavia in dealing with her difficulties, but it was also highly critical of Belgrade’s inefficient and corrupt administration. In foreign affairs, Britain often took a dim view of what it perceived as Yugoslavia’s conduct of foreign policy that ran contrary to British policy of all-round appeasement in South-Eastern Europe and later, in the latter half of the 1930s, containment of Nazi Germany. This would eventually lead to British involvement in the 27 March 1941 coup d’état in Belgrade which embroiled Yugoslavia in the Second World War.
PB  - Belgrade : Faculty of Political Science and Zepter Book World
T2  - British-Serbian Relations from the 18th to the 21st Centuries
T1  - The Kingdom of Yugoslavia and Great Britain
SP  - 219
EP  - 235
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5269
ER  - 

@inbook{
editor = "Markovich, Slobodan G.",
author = "Bakić, Dragan",
year = "2018",
abstract = "This paper examines in broad lines the relations between Great Britain and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (Yugoslavia) throughout the two interwar decades of the latter country’s existence. The survey shows that Yugoslavia was the most important country in the Balkans and thus commanded serious attention of British diplomacy, since Yugoslav foreign policy had an impact on Great Power rivalries in South-Eastern Europe incommensurate with her size and actual strength. While Yugoslavia constantly sought security for her borders, the Foreign Office wanted to see her as a pillar of peace and stability in the region. With her permanent troubles with hostile neighbours, most notably Italy, and internal tensions, the main of which was Croat discontent, this was a difficult undertaking for the Belgrade government. The Foreign Office had a good deal of sympathy for Yugoslavia in dealing with her difficulties, but it was also highly critical of Belgrade’s inefficient and corrupt administration. In foreign affairs, Britain often took a dim view of what it perceived as Yugoslavia’s conduct of foreign policy that ran contrary to British policy of all-round appeasement in South-Eastern Europe and later, in the latter half of the 1930s, containment of Nazi Germany. This would eventually lead to British involvement in the 27 March 1941 coup d’état in Belgrade which embroiled Yugoslavia in the Second World War.",
publisher = "Belgrade : Faculty of Political Science and Zepter Book World",
journal = "British-Serbian Relations from the 18th to the 21st Centuries",
booktitle = "The Kingdom of Yugoslavia and Great Britain",
pages = "219-235",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5269"
}

Markovich, S. G.,& Bakić, D.. (2018). The Kingdom of Yugoslavia and Great Britain. in British-Serbian Relations from the 18th to the 21st Centuries
Belgrade : Faculty of Political Science and Zepter Book World., 219-235.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5269

Markovich SG, Bakić D. The Kingdom of Yugoslavia and Great Britain. in British-Serbian Relations from the 18th to the 21st Centuries. 2018;:219-235.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5269 .

Markovich, Slobodan G., Bakić, Dragan, "The Kingdom of Yugoslavia and Great Britain" in British-Serbian Relations from the 18th to the 21st Centuries (2018):219-235,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5269 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Ković, Miloš
PY  - 2018
UR  - https://www.ceeol.com/search/article-detail?id=751304
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/6094
AB  - Unpublished sources and archival material can still shed fresh light upon the history of the evacuation of the Serbian Army and civilian refugees from the Albanian coast in 1915–1916. Among them are reports to the British Admiralty written in 1915 and 1916 by the commander of the British Adriatic Squadron, Rear Admiral Cecil Fiennes Thursby. These documents deposited in the National Archives in Kew Gardens have never been used in reconstructing the evacuation operation. Written on an almost daily basis, Thursby’s reports of 1915 and 1916 constitute a unique source not only for the history of the evacuation of Serbs but also for the history of the South-East Europe in the Great War.
PB  - Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts
T2  - Balcanica
T1  - The British Adriatic Squadron and the Evacuation of Serbs from the Albanian Coast 1915–1916
SP  - 29
EP  - 42
IS  - XLIX
DO  - 10.2298/BALC1849029K
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6094
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Ković, Miloš",
year = "2018",
abstract = "Unpublished sources and archival material can still shed fresh light upon the history of the evacuation of the Serbian Army and civilian refugees from the Albanian coast in 1915–1916. Among them are reports to the British Admiralty written in 1915 and 1916 by the commander of the British Adriatic Squadron, Rear Admiral Cecil Fiennes Thursby. These documents deposited in the National Archives in Kew Gardens have never been used in reconstructing the evacuation operation. Written on an almost daily basis, Thursby’s reports of 1915 and 1916 constitute a unique source not only for the history of the evacuation of Serbs but also for the history of the South-East Europe in the Great War.",
publisher = "Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts",
journal = "Balcanica",
title = "The British Adriatic Squadron and the Evacuation of Serbs from the Albanian Coast 1915–1916",
pages = "29-42",
number = "XLIX",
doi = "10.2298/BALC1849029K",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6094"
}

Ković, M.. (2018). The British Adriatic Squadron and the Evacuation of Serbs from the Albanian Coast 1915–1916. in Balcanica
Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts.(XLIX), 29-42.
https://doi.org/10.2298/BALC1849029K
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6094

Ković M. The British Adriatic Squadron and the Evacuation of Serbs from the Albanian Coast 1915–1916. in Balcanica. 2018;(XLIX):29-42.
doi:10.2298/BALC1849029K
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6094 .

Ković, Miloš, "The British Adriatic Squadron and the Evacuation of Serbs from the Albanian Coast 1915–1916" in Balcanica, no. XLIX (2018):29-42,
https://doi.org/10.2298/BALC1849029K .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6094 .