Tradition, Innovation and Identity in the Byzantine World

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Tradition, Innovation and Identity in the Byzantine World (en)
Традиција, иновација и идентитет у византијском свету (sr)
Tradicija, inovacija i identitet u vizantijskom svetu (sr_RS)

Publications

The Kangar of De administrando imperio and the Hungarian-Bashkir Controversy

Komatina, Predrag

(Budapest : ELTE Eötvös-József-Collegium, 2021)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Komatina, Predrag
PY  - 2021
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/12203
AB  - There are in the work De administrando imperio of the Byzantine emperor 
Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus (913–959), composed between 948 and 952, 
two interesting pieces of information about the people called Kangar (Κάγγαρ). 
It should be known that the Pechenegs are also called Kangar, though 
not all of them, but only the folk of the three provinces of Iabdierti and 
Kouartzitzour and Chabouxingyla, for they are more valiant and noble 
than the rest; for that is what the appellation Kangar means.
PB  - Budapest : ELTE Eötvös-József-Collegium
T2  - Byzanz und das Abendland VII. Studia Byzantino-Occidentali
T1  - The Kangar of De administrando imperio and the Hungarian-Bashkir  Controversy
SP  - 205
EP  - 223
VL  - 42
DO  - 10.37584/BuA_7.205.223
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12203
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Komatina, Predrag",
year = "2021",
abstract = "There are in the work De administrando imperio of the Byzantine emperor 
Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus (913–959), composed between 948 and 952, 
two interesting pieces of information about the people called Kangar (Κάγγαρ). 
It should be known that the Pechenegs are also called Kangar, though 
not all of them, but only the folk of the three provinces of Iabdierti and 
Kouartzitzour and Chabouxingyla, for they are more valiant and noble 
than the rest; for that is what the appellation Kangar means.",
publisher = "Budapest : ELTE Eötvös-József-Collegium",
journal = "Byzanz und das Abendland VII. Studia Byzantino-Occidentali",
booktitle = "The Kangar of De administrando imperio and the Hungarian-Bashkir  Controversy",
pages = "205-223",
volume = "42",
doi = "10.37584/BuA_7.205.223",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12203"
}
Komatina, P.. (2021). The Kangar of De administrando imperio and the Hungarian-Bashkir  Controversy. in Byzanz und das Abendland VII. Studia Byzantino-Occidentali
Budapest : ELTE Eötvös-József-Collegium., 42, 205-223.
https://doi.org/10.37584/BuA_7.205.223
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12203
Komatina P. The Kangar of De administrando imperio and the Hungarian-Bashkir  Controversy. in Byzanz und das Abendland VII. Studia Byzantino-Occidentali. 2021;42:205-223.
doi:10.37584/BuA_7.205.223
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12203 .
Komatina, Predrag, "The Kangar of De administrando imperio and the Hungarian-Bashkir  Controversy" in Byzanz und das Abendland VII. Studia Byzantino-Occidentali, 42 (2021):205-223,
https://doi.org/10.37584/BuA_7.205.223 .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12203 .

Нарочито поштоване иконе у средњовековној Србији / Highly venerated icons in medieval Serbia

Миљковић, Бојан

(Beograd : Filozofski fakultet - Institut za istoriju umetnosti, 2020)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Миљковић, Бојан
PY  - 2020
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/12206
AB  - У средњовековну Србију из Византије су пренети и оби чаји указивања поштовања појединим сликама у чију 
се исцелитељску и заштитничку моћ веровало. Нај чешће је реч о Богородичиним иконама, од којих су неке 
и данас предмет култа. О постојању других сазнаје се 
из ликовних и писаних сведочанстава. Топонимски епи тети исписани на њиховим копијама најсигурнији су 
доказ поштовања које су уживале. Могу се поделити у 
три групе – најпознатије сликане светиње Цариграда и 
Солуна, затим нарочито поштоване иконе у местима 
која су ширењем српске државе у средњем веку постала 
њен саставни део и, напослетку, оне чији је култ извор но српски
AB  - The custom of venerating images that are believed to have 
healing and protective powers also made its way to Serbia 
from Byzantium. These images were usually icons of the 
Virgin, some of which continue to be objects of cult even today. Others are known to us from visual and written testimonies. The toponymic epithets inscribed on their copies are 
the most reliable proof of the veneration they once enjoyed. 
These images can be classified into three groups: the most 
famous sacred images of Constantinople and Thessalonike; 
icons highly venerated in places that became part of the medieval Serbian state during its expansion; and finally, those 
whose cult originated in Serbia itself.
PB  - Beograd : Filozofski fakultet - Institut za istoriju umetnosti
T2  - Зограф
T1  - Нарочито поштоване иконе у средњовековној Србији / Highly venerated icons in medieval Serbia
SP  - 127
EP  - 156
VL  - 44
DO  - 10.2298/ZOG2044127M
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12206
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Миљковић, Бојан",
year = "2020",
abstract = "У средњовековну Србију из Византије су пренети и оби чаји указивања поштовања појединим сликама у чију 
се исцелитељску и заштитничку моћ веровало. Нај чешће је реч о Богородичиним иконама, од којих су неке 
и данас предмет култа. О постојању других сазнаје се 
из ликовних и писаних сведочанстава. Топонимски епи тети исписани на њиховим копијама најсигурнији су 
доказ поштовања које су уживале. Могу се поделити у 
три групе – најпознатије сликане светиње Цариграда и 
Солуна, затим нарочито поштоване иконе у местима 
која су ширењем српске државе у средњем веку постала 
њен саставни део и, напослетку, оне чији је култ извор но српски, The custom of venerating images that are believed to have 
healing and protective powers also made its way to Serbia 
from Byzantium. These images were usually icons of the 
Virgin, some of which continue to be objects of cult even today. Others are known to us from visual and written testimonies. The toponymic epithets inscribed on their copies are 
the most reliable proof of the veneration they once enjoyed. 
These images can be classified into three groups: the most 
famous sacred images of Constantinople and Thessalonike; 
icons highly venerated in places that became part of the medieval Serbian state during its expansion; and finally, those 
whose cult originated in Serbia itself.",
publisher = "Beograd : Filozofski fakultet - Institut za istoriju umetnosti",
journal = "Зограф",
title = "Нарочито поштоване иконе у средњовековној Србији / Highly venerated icons in medieval Serbia",
pages = "127-156",
volume = "44",
doi = "10.2298/ZOG2044127M",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12206"
}
Миљковић, Б.. (2020). Нарочито поштоване иконе у средњовековној Србији / Highly venerated icons in medieval Serbia. in Зограф
Beograd : Filozofski fakultet - Institut za istoriju umetnosti., 44, 127-156.
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZOG2044127M
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12206
Миљковић Б. Нарочито поштоване иконе у средњовековној Србији / Highly venerated icons in medieval Serbia. in Зограф. 2020;44:127-156.
doi:10.2298/ZOG2044127M
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12206 .
Миљковић, Бојан, "Нарочито поштоване иконе у средњовековној Србији / Highly venerated icons in medieval Serbia" in Зограф, 44 (2020):127-156,
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZOG2044127M .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12206 .

Illegal Traffic: The Case of the Translatio o of St. Nicholas in Bari

Милановић, Љубомир

(Београд : Правни факултет Универзитета Унион у Београду, 2020)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Милановић, Љубомир
PY  - 2020
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/10057
AB  - The building program at the Archbishopric of Peć achieved its final form with the projects undertaken by the archbishop Danilo II (1324–1337). To the south of the Virgin Hodegetria, Danilo II added a parekklesion dedicated to St. Nicholas. During the seventeenth century, Patriarch Maximus (1655–1674 died 1680) decided to build a tomb for himself in front of the chapel and also to restore and re-paint it. Unable to replicate the old program, Patriarch Maksim devised his own, unique program, which was executed by the painter Radul. A fresco cycle dedicated to the life and wonders of St. Nicholas, which include scenes of the translatio of his relics from Myra to Bari in 1087, dominates the chapel and its vault. The motif of the ‘translatio’ of St. Nicholas’ relics, either as an individual composition, or as part of a large cycle of his life and miracles, was not a subject found in Serbian or Byzantine medieval art. The so-called illegal translation, or furta sacra, was never recognized by the Byzantine church in Constantinople. For that reason, the date of the translation was not introduced in the church calendar. It would be accepted in Medieval Russia and later in Serbia, but not depicted. Both orthodox churches accepted the date of translation as May 9th / 22th and included it in the liturgical calendar. This paper will elucidate the iconographic development of the translation of the relics of St. Nicholas in Serbian post -Byzantine art under the renewed Patriarchate of Peć. The possible origin of the scene in Serbian art will be discussed, as well as a reason for including the feast of the translation of St. Nicholas’ relics in the calendar of the Serbian Orthodox church.
PB  - Београд : Правни факултет Универзитета Унион у Београду
PB  - Београд : ЈП „Службени гласник“
T2  - ΝΟΜΟΦΥΛΑΞ Зборник радова у част Срђана Шаркића / NOMOPHYLAX Collection of papers in honor of Srđan Šarkić
T1  - Illegal Traffic: The Case of the Translatio o of St. Nicholas in Bari
T1  - Илегални транспорт : случај преноса моштију Светог Николе у Бари
SP  - 395
EP  - 422
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10057
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Милановић, Љубомир",
year = "2020",
abstract = "The building program at the Archbishopric of Peć achieved its final form with the projects undertaken by the archbishop Danilo II (1324–1337). To the south of the Virgin Hodegetria, Danilo II added a parekklesion dedicated to St. Nicholas. During the seventeenth century, Patriarch Maximus (1655–1674 died 1680) decided to build a tomb for himself in front of the chapel and also to restore and re-paint it. Unable to replicate the old program, Patriarch Maksim devised his own, unique program, which was executed by the painter Radul. A fresco cycle dedicated to the life and wonders of St. Nicholas, which include scenes of the translatio of his relics from Myra to Bari in 1087, dominates the chapel and its vault. The motif of the ‘translatio’ of St. Nicholas’ relics, either as an individual composition, or as part of a large cycle of his life and miracles, was not a subject found in Serbian or Byzantine medieval art. The so-called illegal translation, or furta sacra, was never recognized by the Byzantine church in Constantinople. For that reason, the date of the translation was not introduced in the church calendar. It would be accepted in Medieval Russia and later in Serbia, but not depicted. Both orthodox churches accepted the date of translation as May 9th / 22th and included it in the liturgical calendar. This paper will elucidate the iconographic development of the translation of the relics of St. Nicholas in Serbian post -Byzantine art under the renewed Patriarchate of Peć. The possible origin of the scene in Serbian art will be discussed, as well as a reason for including the feast of the translation of St. Nicholas’ relics in the calendar of the Serbian Orthodox church.",
publisher = "Београд : Правни факултет Универзитета Унион у Београду, Београд : ЈП „Службени гласник“",
journal = "ΝΟΜΟΦΥΛΑΞ Зборник радова у част Срђана Шаркића / NOMOPHYLAX Collection of papers in honor of Srđan Šarkić",
booktitle = "Illegal Traffic: The Case of the Translatio o of St. Nicholas in Bari, Илегални транспорт : случај преноса моштију Светог Николе у Бари",
pages = "395-422",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10057"
}
Милановић, Љ.. (2020). Illegal Traffic: The Case of the Translatio o of St. Nicholas in Bari. in ΝΟΜΟΦΥΛΑΞ Зборник радова у част Срђана Шаркића / NOMOPHYLAX Collection of papers in honor of Srđan Šarkić
Београд : Правни факултет Универзитета Унион у Београду., 395-422.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10057
Милановић Љ. Illegal Traffic: The Case of the Translatio o of St. Nicholas in Bari. in ΝΟΜΟΦΥΛΑΞ Зборник радова у част Срђана Шаркића / NOMOPHYLAX Collection of papers in honor of Srđan Šarkić. 2020;:395-422.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10057 .
Милановић, Љубомир, "Illegal Traffic: The Case of the Translatio o of St. Nicholas in Bari" in ΝΟΜΟΦΥΛΑΞ Зборник радова у част Срђана Шаркића / NOMOPHYLAX Collection of papers in honor of Srđan Šarkić (2020):395-422,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10057 .

Славянские этнонимы «баварского географа»: историко-лингвистический анализ

Коматина, Предраг

(Санкт-Петербургский государственный университет, 2020)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Коматина, Предраг
PY  - 2020
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/10762
AB  - The so-called Bavarian Geographer describes the ethnopolitical situation at the end of the first
half of the 9th century in a wide area of Central and Eastern Europe. The names of those tribes are mostly recorded in their Germanic forms, as they were known at the time among the Franks. Those names are in their Slavic forms basically authentic, quallificative in their nature, created according to certain collective characteristics that their bearers attributed to themselves. Thus we can assume that those tribes brought those names from their ancient homeland when they settled the Elbe region, and that could be corroborated with the fact that some of those tribal names appear also among the South Slavs (Obodrites, Serbs, Milingoi = Milcians?). In the area of the ancient Slavic homeland itself, in the basin of the upper Oder, Warta, Vistula, West Bug and Upper Dniester, it lists a number of tribes that can be divided into two groups. The first would include those who still kept their old names and ancient tribal identities The second group includes tribes,
which, judging by their names, were new, territorially based tribes, composed of members of various tribes 
that during the migrations stayed at their homes. Based on the ethnonymic material from the treatise of the Bavarian Geograph and other early medieval sources, one important conclusion can be reached about the Slavic ethnonymy — in naming of the tribes, peoples and communities, the Slavs held much more to the essence than form. The names derived from the same root occur often with different suffixes, and sometimes for one and the same tribe the names are derived from another, but semantically identical root.
PB  - Санкт-Петербургский государственный университет
T2  - Studia Slavica et Balcanica Petropolitana
T1  - Славянские этнонимы «баварского географа»: историко-лингвистический анализ
T1  - Slavic ethnonyms in the Bavarian Geographer: A historiographic linguistic analysis
SP  - 106
EP  - 137
VL  - 27
IS  - 1
DO  - doi.org/10.21638/spbu19.2020.106
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10762
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Коматина, Предраг",
year = "2020",
abstract = "The so-called Bavarian Geographer describes the ethnopolitical situation at the end of the first
half of the 9th century in a wide area of Central and Eastern Europe. The names of those tribes are mostly recorded in their Germanic forms, as they were known at the time among the Franks. Those names are in their Slavic forms basically authentic, quallificative in their nature, created according to certain collective characteristics that their bearers attributed to themselves. Thus we can assume that those tribes brought those names from their ancient homeland when they settled the Elbe region, and that could be corroborated with the fact that some of those tribal names appear also among the South Slavs (Obodrites, Serbs, Milingoi = Milcians?). In the area of the ancient Slavic homeland itself, in the basin of the upper Oder, Warta, Vistula, West Bug and Upper Dniester, it lists a number of tribes that can be divided into two groups. The first would include those who still kept their old names and ancient tribal identities The second group includes tribes,
which, judging by their names, were new, territorially based tribes, composed of members of various tribes 
that during the migrations stayed at their homes. Based on the ethnonymic material from the treatise of the Bavarian Geograph and other early medieval sources, one important conclusion can be reached about the Slavic ethnonymy — in naming of the tribes, peoples and communities, the Slavs held much more to the essence than form. The names derived from the same root occur often with different suffixes, and sometimes for one and the same tribe the names are derived from another, but semantically identical root.",
publisher = "Санкт-Петербургский государственный университет",
journal = "Studia Slavica et Balcanica Petropolitana",
title = "Славянские этнонимы «баварского географа»: историко-лингвистический анализ, Slavic ethnonyms in the Bavarian Geographer: A historiographic linguistic analysis",
pages = "106-137",
volume = "27",
number = "1",
doi = "doi.org/10.21638/spbu19.2020.106",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10762"
}
Коматина, П.. (2020). Славянские этнонимы «баварского географа»: историко-лингвистический анализ. in Studia Slavica et Balcanica Petropolitana
Санкт-Петербургский государственный университет., 27(1), 106-137.
https://doi.org/doi.org/10.21638/spbu19.2020.106
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10762
Коматина П. Славянские этнонимы «баварского географа»: историко-лингвистический анализ. in Studia Slavica et Balcanica Petropolitana. 2020;27(1):106-137.
doi:doi.org/10.21638/spbu19.2020.106
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10762 .
Коматина, Предраг, "Славянские этнонимы «баварского географа»: историко-лингвистический анализ" in Studia Slavica et Balcanica Petropolitana, 27, no. 1 (2020):106-137,
https://doi.org/doi.org/10.21638/spbu19.2020.106 .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10762 .

Рани јужнословенски етноними и питање порекла и постанка јужнословенских племена

Коматина, Предраг

(Београд : Институт за српски језик САНУ, 2019)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Коматина, Предраг
PY  - 2019
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/10701
AB  - Рани Словени нису имали своју писменост све до појаве Сoлунске браће св. Ћирила и Методија и настанка глагољице 863. године, тако да су пре тога, али у великој мери и после тога вести о њима забележене у страним изворима, пре свега на грчком и латинском језику. Старије форме словенског језика – прасловенски, а затим и старословенски, имали су фонолошки састав у извесној мери различит од оба сродна индоевропска језика, па су рани словенски етноними забележени у изворима онако како су их грчки и латински писци репродуковали у својим књижевним језицима. Тако је на пример прасловенско о у грчким и латинским текстовима углавном постајало а, прасловенски полувокали ъ и ь су по правилу били вокализовани, а на исти начин су били репродуковани и словенски слоготворни сугласници р и л (у старословенским текстовима и касније најчешће бележени као рь и ль). Научници, у првом реду историчари, најчешће су само преузимали облике забележене
у грчкој и латинској изворној грађи, те су на основу њих изводили некад и врло далекосежне закључке. Међутим, када се реконструише њихов тачан словенски облик, ти етноними постају корисно сведочанство за изучавање проблематике порекла и постанка јужнословенских племена
AB  - Even after the creation of the Slavic alphabets, early information on the Slavs was for the most part recorded in Greek and Latin, and thus the names of the Slavic tribes have come down to us in somehow distorted forms, since the phonemic systems of those two languages did not match that of the early Slavic language. It is then necessary to establish the correct forms of the names of the
Slavic tribes behind those recorded in Greek and Latin sources in order to investigate thoroughly their origins and formation.
According to the sixth-century writers Procopius and Jordanes, the early Slavs were divided in many tribes even in their ancient homeland, north of the Carpathians. However, the names of the tribes appeared for the first time in written sources in the seventh century, with the names of the several Slavic tribes who invaded Greece and besieged Thessalonica in the 610s, among them the *Drъgъvitji,*Sagudati (*Sogъdati?), *Velejezitji, *Vojъnitji, *Bъrzitji. The *Smolěne, *Milenki, *Ezeritji were also present in Greece, as well as small parts of other tribes (Serbs, Croats, Kriviči, Czechs). Serbs and Croats settled in the western part of the Balkans, with their local branches such as the Diocletians, Terbunians, Zachloumians, Narentans, or *Gъtаnе, *Gъtьci. Various Slavic tribes settled in the Eastern Alps; the sources and local toponymy recorded the names of the Croats and
Dulebs. The same was true about the old Roman Pannonia between the Danube and the Sava, where only Dulebs can be identified by name. In the eastern part of the Balkans, along the lower Danube, the sources mention the “seven Slavic tribes” subdued by the Bulgars in 680/681, but none of them by name. However, some of them could have later merged together into the new tribe of *Timočani. Along with them, the sources mention the Severi, but counted them apart from
the “seven Slavic tribes”, and this was possibly because they were not Slavs in the strict sense of the word, but rather their relatives, the Antes. To the west of the *Timočani lived a southern part of the *Obъdritji, while at the confluence of the Great Morava and the Danube, lived the Balkan Moravians.
As it could be deduced from their ethnonymy, some of those tribes brought their names from their ancient homeland in the North and it is there that we should look for their origins. The assumption is further corroborated by the fact that the names of some tribes appear in the other areas of the Slavic world as well, which means that the tribes in question must have split during the migrations.
However, some of the tribes were formed only after the settlement in the Eastern Alps and the Balkans, as revealed by the geographic origin of their names. Some of them were geographically separated sections of the ancient tribes who developed a new identity while still retaining the old one. But in some cases, parts of several different Slavic tribes settled in the same area and organized into a new ethnopolitical entity, in which case they first used the common name of the Slavs as a symbol of their common identity along with a geographic determination (for example, Slavs of the Rychios, Slavs of the Strymon, Slavs of the Peloponnese, “seven Slavic tribes”, Slavs of Pannonia, the Eastern Alps Slavs), and only later came to use new names based on the geographic terms (Carantanians, Carnians, *Ezeritji, *Timočani, Moravians, etc.). There were also some minor tribes that in the course of the migrations merged with a stronger tribe and assumed its identity. This clearly indicates that different Slavic tribes during the migrations still shared a strong sense of common Slavic identity alongside their own tribal identity. Even later, in the 9th century, Frankish sources mention common legal traditions among the Slavs (“leges et consuetudines Sclavicae gentis”), and the language that Sts Cyril and Methodius first introduced into literary use was still sufficiently uniform to be named as the common Slavic language.
PB  - Београд : Институт за српски језик САНУ
T2  - Наслеђе и стварање Свети Ћирило : Свети Сава 869-1219-2019 I
T1  - Рани јужнословенски етноними и питање порекла и постанка јужнословенских племена
T1  - Early South Slavic Ethnonyms and the Issue of Origin and Genesis of the South Slavic Tribes
SP  - 3
EP  - 28
VL  - 1
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10701
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Коматина, Предраг",
year = "2019",
abstract = "Рани Словени нису имали своју писменост све до појаве Сoлунске браће св. Ћирила и Методија и настанка глагољице 863. године, тако да су пре тога, али у великој мери и после тога вести о њима забележене у страним изворима, пре свега на грчком и латинском језику. Старије форме словенског језика – прасловенски, а затим и старословенски, имали су фонолошки састав у извесној мери различит од оба сродна индоевропска језика, па су рани словенски етноними забележени у изворима онако како су их грчки и латински писци репродуковали у својим књижевним језицима. Тако је на пример прасловенско о у грчким и латинским текстовима углавном постајало а, прасловенски полувокали ъ и ь су по правилу били вокализовани, а на исти начин су били репродуковани и словенски слоготворни сугласници р и л (у старословенским текстовима и касније најчешће бележени као рь и ль). Научници, у првом реду историчари, најчешће су само преузимали облике забележене
у грчкој и латинској изворној грађи, те су на основу њих изводили некад и врло далекосежне закључке. Међутим, када се реконструише њихов тачан словенски облик, ти етноними постају корисно сведочанство за изучавање проблематике порекла и постанка јужнословенских племена, Even after the creation of the Slavic alphabets, early information on the Slavs was for the most part recorded in Greek and Latin, and thus the names of the Slavic tribes have come down to us in somehow distorted forms, since the phonemic systems of those two languages did not match that of the early Slavic language. It is then necessary to establish the correct forms of the names of the
Slavic tribes behind those recorded in Greek and Latin sources in order to investigate thoroughly their origins and formation.
According to the sixth-century writers Procopius and Jordanes, the early Slavs were divided in many tribes even in their ancient homeland, north of the Carpathians. However, the names of the tribes appeared for the first time in written sources in the seventh century, with the names of the several Slavic tribes who invaded Greece and besieged Thessalonica in the 610s, among them the *Drъgъvitji,*Sagudati (*Sogъdati?), *Velejezitji, *Vojъnitji, *Bъrzitji. The *Smolěne, *Milenki, *Ezeritji were also present in Greece, as well as small parts of other tribes (Serbs, Croats, Kriviči, Czechs). Serbs and Croats settled in the western part of the Balkans, with their local branches such as the Diocletians, Terbunians, Zachloumians, Narentans, or *Gъtаnе, *Gъtьci. Various Slavic tribes settled in the Eastern Alps; the sources and local toponymy recorded the names of the Croats and
Dulebs. The same was true about the old Roman Pannonia between the Danube and the Sava, where only Dulebs can be identified by name. In the eastern part of the Balkans, along the lower Danube, the sources mention the “seven Slavic tribes” subdued by the Bulgars in 680/681, but none of them by name. However, some of them could have later merged together into the new tribe of *Timočani. Along with them, the sources mention the Severi, but counted them apart from
the “seven Slavic tribes”, and this was possibly because they were not Slavs in the strict sense of the word, but rather their relatives, the Antes. To the west of the *Timočani lived a southern part of the *Obъdritji, while at the confluence of the Great Morava and the Danube, lived the Balkan Moravians.
As it could be deduced from their ethnonymy, some of those tribes brought their names from their ancient homeland in the North and it is there that we should look for their origins. The assumption is further corroborated by the fact that the names of some tribes appear in the other areas of the Slavic world as well, which means that the tribes in question must have split during the migrations.
However, some of the tribes were formed only after the settlement in the Eastern Alps and the Balkans, as revealed by the geographic origin of their names. Some of them were geographically separated sections of the ancient tribes who developed a new identity while still retaining the old one. But in some cases, parts of several different Slavic tribes settled in the same area and organized into a new ethnopolitical entity, in which case they first used the common name of the Slavs as a symbol of their common identity along with a geographic determination (for example, Slavs of the Rychios, Slavs of the Strymon, Slavs of the Peloponnese, “seven Slavic tribes”, Slavs of Pannonia, the Eastern Alps Slavs), and only later came to use new names based on the geographic terms (Carantanians, Carnians, *Ezeritji, *Timočani, Moravians, etc.). There were also some minor tribes that in the course of the migrations merged with a stronger tribe and assumed its identity. This clearly indicates that different Slavic tribes during the migrations still shared a strong sense of common Slavic identity alongside their own tribal identity. Even later, in the 9th century, Frankish sources mention common legal traditions among the Slavs (“leges et consuetudines Sclavicae gentis”), and the language that Sts Cyril and Methodius first introduced into literary use was still sufficiently uniform to be named as the common Slavic language.",
publisher = "Београд : Институт за српски језик САНУ",
journal = "Наслеђе и стварање Свети Ћирило : Свети Сава 869-1219-2019 I",
booktitle = "Рани јужнословенски етноними и питање порекла и постанка јужнословенских племена, Early South Slavic Ethnonyms and the Issue of Origin and Genesis of the South Slavic Tribes",
pages = "3-28",
volume = "1",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10701"
}
Коматина, П.. (2019). Рани јужнословенски етноними и питање порекла и постанка јужнословенских племена. in Наслеђе и стварање Свети Ћирило : Свети Сава 869-1219-2019 I
Београд : Институт за српски језик САНУ., 1, 3-28.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10701
Коматина П. Рани јужнословенски етноними и питање порекла и постанка јужнословенских племена. in Наслеђе и стварање Свети Ћирило : Свети Сава 869-1219-2019 I. 2019;1:3-28.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10701 .
Коматина, Предраг, "Рани јужнословенски етноними и питање порекла и постанка јужнословенских племена" in Наслеђе и стварање Свети Ћирило : Свети Сава 869-1219-2019 I, 1 (2019):3-28,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10701 .

Представа светог Арсенија Српског у дечанском менологу

Војводић, Драган

(Београд : Српска академија наука и уметности, 2019)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Војводић, Драган
PY  - 2019
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/10657
AB  - Као део илустрације за 28. октобар у сликаном календару Пантократорове цркве манастира Дечана приказан је свети Арсеније, други српски архиепископ, о чему сведоче остаци натписа и особена иконографија представе. Као једини сачувани пример сликања неког српског светог у оквиру
средњовековних менолошких циклуса, та досада неидентификована предста-
ва има нарочит значај, јер указује на потребу да се изнова покрене питање о
заступљености култова светих Срба у средњовековним сликаним календарима.
AB  - A fi gure of St. Arsenije, the second Serbian archbishop, is shown as a part of the
illustration for 28 October in the painted calendar of the Church of Christ Pantokrator
in the Dečani Monastery, as evidenced by the remnants of an accompanying
inscription and the distinctive iconography of the image. As the only surviving
example of depicting a Serbian saint in medieval menologion cycles, this hereto
unidentifi ed image is of special importance, since it suggests a need to reexamine
the question of the representation of cults of Serbian saints in medieval painted
calendars.
PB  - Београд : Српска академија наука и уметности
T2  - Косовско-метохијски зборник
T1  - Представа светог Арсенија Српског у дечанском менологу
T1  - The Image of Saint Arsenije of Serbia in the Dečani Menologion
SP  - 35
EP  - 62
IS  - 8
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10657
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Војводић, Драган",
year = "2019",
abstract = "Као део илустрације за 28. октобар у сликаном календару Пантократорове цркве манастира Дечана приказан је свети Арсеније, други српски архиепископ, о чему сведоче остаци натписа и особена иконографија представе. Као једини сачувани пример сликања неког српског светог у оквиру
средњовековних менолошких циклуса, та досада неидентификована предста-
ва има нарочит значај, јер указује на потребу да се изнова покрене питање о
заступљености култова светих Срба у средњовековним сликаним календарима., A fi gure of St. Arsenije, the second Serbian archbishop, is shown as a part of the
illustration for 28 October in the painted calendar of the Church of Christ Pantokrator
in the Dečani Monastery, as evidenced by the remnants of an accompanying
inscription and the distinctive iconography of the image. As the only surviving
example of depicting a Serbian saint in medieval menologion cycles, this hereto
unidentifi ed image is of special importance, since it suggests a need to reexamine
the question of the representation of cults of Serbian saints in medieval painted
calendars.",
publisher = "Београд : Српска академија наука и уметности",
journal = "Косовско-метохијски зборник",
title = "Представа светог Арсенија Српског у дечанском менологу, The Image of Saint Arsenije of Serbia in the Dečani Menologion",
pages = "35-62",
number = "8",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10657"
}
Војводић, Д.. (2019). Представа светог Арсенија Српског у дечанском менологу. in Косовско-метохијски зборник
Београд : Српска академија наука и уметности.(8), 35-62.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10657
Војводић Д. Представа светог Арсенија Српског у дечанском менологу. in Косовско-метохијски зборник. 2019;(8):35-62.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10657 .
Војводић, Драган, "Представа светог Арсенија Српског у дечанском менологу" in Косовско-метохијски зборник, no. 8 (2019):35-62,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10657 .

A note on Homer the Raven

Šijaković, Jovana

(Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ, 2019)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Šijaković, Jovana
PY  - 2019
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/8505
AB  - In the works of Clement of Alexandria pieces of Homeric verses surface from time to
time as a testimony to a Christian truth or an interpretation of Scripture. Such instances in
Gnostic writings presented evidence that these Gnostic writers treated Homer as their own
prophet. It seems that in light of these accusations, Clement takes care to note that Homer
did not understand the words he gave a voice to, any more than a raven does when he echoes
what he hears. Furthermore, in all cases where Clement comes conspicuously close to implying
a prophetic-like status for Homer, he does not fail to employ a phrase which explicitly
divorces the poet from any theological authority.
AB  - У делима Климента Александријског Хомерови стихови се понегде појављују као сведочанство за хришћанско учење или одређено тумачење Светог писма.
Такви случајеви су у гностичким списима били основ за оспоравање њихове правоверности и оптужбу да гностици држе Хомера за свог пророка. У раду се показује да се у светлу тих оптужби Климент свесно стара да у сличним случајевима (када би се могло учинити да Песнику придаје пророчки статус) хомерско сведочанство уведе фразом која наглашава тобожњи мантички погодак Песника. На тај начин он успева да наведе хомерско сведочанство, истовремено га лишавајући било каквог озбиљног теолошког ауторитета.
PB  - Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ
T2  - Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ
T1  - A note on Homer the Raven
T1  - Белешка о Хомеру гаврану
SP  - 131
EP  - 142
VL  - 56
DO  - 10.2298/ZRVI1956131S
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_8505
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Šijaković, Jovana",
year = "2019",
abstract = "In the works of Clement of Alexandria pieces of Homeric verses surface from time to
time as a testimony to a Christian truth or an interpretation of Scripture. Such instances in
Gnostic writings presented evidence that these Gnostic writers treated Homer as their own
prophet. It seems that in light of these accusations, Clement takes care to note that Homer
did not understand the words he gave a voice to, any more than a raven does when he echoes
what he hears. Furthermore, in all cases where Clement comes conspicuously close to implying
a prophetic-like status for Homer, he does not fail to employ a phrase which explicitly
divorces the poet from any theological authority., У делима Климента Александријског Хомерови стихови се понегде појављују као сведочанство за хришћанско учење или одређено тумачење Светог писма.
Такви случајеви су у гностичким списима били основ за оспоравање њихове правоверности и оптужбу да гностици држе Хомера за свог пророка. У раду се показује да се у светлу тих оптужби Климент свесно стара да у сличним случајевима (када би се могло учинити да Песнику придаје пророчки статус) хомерско сведочанство уведе фразом која наглашава тобожњи мантички погодак Песника. На тај начин он успева да наведе хомерско сведочанство, истовремено га лишавајући било каквог озбиљног теолошког ауторитета.",
publisher = "Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ",
journal = "Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ",
title = "A note on Homer the Raven, Белешка о Хомеру гаврану",
pages = "131-142",
volume = "56",
doi = "10.2298/ZRVI1956131S",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_8505"
}
Šijaković, J.. (2019). A note on Homer the Raven. in Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ
Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ., 56, 131-142.
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1956131S
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_8505
Šijaković J. A note on Homer the Raven. in Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ. 2019;56:131-142.
doi:10.2298/ZRVI1956131S
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_8505 .
Šijaković, Jovana, "A note on Homer the Raven" in Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ, 56 (2019):131-142,
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1956131S .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_8505 .

Једна претпоставка о пореклу и административном положају Вардариота у Византији

Цветковић, Милош

(Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ, 2019)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Цветковић, Милош
PY  - 2019
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/8503
AB  - Рад садржи резултате проучавања појединих сегмената повести Вардариота.
Полазећи од начелно прихваћене тезе у науци о њиховим мађарским коренима, аутор
је покушао да пружи одговор на питања када и на који начин су Вардариоти доспели
на тло Византије. У наставку текста изнета је и претпоставка у вези са еволуцијом административног статуса вардариотске заједнице у Царству од почетка X века, када се
први пут помињу у изворима, до почетка XIII столећа, када је округ у којем су живели
недвосмислено посведочен као једна од царских провинција/тема.
PB  - Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ
T2  - Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ
T1  - Једна претпоставка о пореклу и административном положају Вардариота у Византији
T1  - A hypothesis about the origin and administrative status of the Vardariōtai in the Byzantine Empire
SP  - 19
EP  - 38
VL  - 56
DO  - 10.2298/ZRVI1956019C
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_8503
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Цветковић, Милош",
year = "2019",
abstract = "Рад садржи резултате проучавања појединих сегмената повести Вардариота.
Полазећи од начелно прихваћене тезе у науци о њиховим мађарским коренима, аутор
је покушао да пружи одговор на питања када и на који начин су Вардариоти доспели
на тло Византије. У наставку текста изнета је и претпоставка у вези са еволуцијом административног статуса вардариотске заједнице у Царству од почетка X века, када се
први пут помињу у изворима, до почетка XIII столећа, када је округ у којем су живели
недвосмислено посведочен као једна од царских провинција/тема.",
publisher = "Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ",
journal = "Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ",
title = "Једна претпоставка о пореклу и административном положају Вардариота у Византији, A hypothesis about the origin and administrative status of the Vardariōtai in the Byzantine Empire",
pages = "19-38",
volume = "56",
doi = "10.2298/ZRVI1956019C",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_8503"
}
Цветковић, М.. (2019). Једна претпоставка о пореклу и административном положају Вардариота у Византији. in Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ
Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ., 56, 19-38.
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1956019C
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_8503
Цветковић М. Једна претпоставка о пореклу и административном положају Вардариота у Византији. in Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ. 2019;56:19-38.
doi:10.2298/ZRVI1956019C
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_8503 .
Цветковић, Милош, "Једна претпоставка о пореклу и административном положају Вардариота у Византији" in Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ, 56 (2019):19-38,
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1956019C .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_8503 .

Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De administrando imperio and the Byzantine historiography of the mid - 10th century

Komatina, Predrag

(Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ, 2019)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Komatina, Predrag
PY  - 2019
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/8497
AB  - The paper is dedicated to certain aspects of the treatise De administrando imperio,
composed at the court of Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus in 948–952. It first examines
the diplomatic basis of the information collected in the treatise, then the management
of the information available from other sources and some common information found
in it and in other contemporary works such as Theophanes Continuatus, Vita Basilii and De
thematibus. It closes with a conclusion about the authorship of the treatise and its place in
the context of the historiographical activity at the court of Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus
in the mid-10th century.
PB  - Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ
T2  - Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ
T1  - Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De administrando imperio and the Byzantine historiography of the mid - 10th century
T1  - Константин Порфирогенит, De administrando imperio и византијска историографија средине X века
SP  - 39
EP  - 68
VL  - 56
DO  - 10.2298/ZRVI1956039K
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_8497
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Komatina, Predrag",
year = "2019",
abstract = "The paper is dedicated to certain aspects of the treatise De administrando imperio,
composed at the court of Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus in 948–952. It first examines
the diplomatic basis of the information collected in the treatise, then the management
of the information available from other sources and some common information found
in it and in other contemporary works such as Theophanes Continuatus, Vita Basilii and De
thematibus. It closes with a conclusion about the authorship of the treatise and its place in
the context of the historiographical activity at the court of Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus
in the mid-10th century.",
publisher = "Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ",
journal = "Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ",
title = "Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De administrando imperio and the Byzantine historiography of the mid - 10th century, Константин Порфирогенит, De administrando imperio и византијска историографија средине X века",
pages = "39-68",
volume = "56",
doi = "10.2298/ZRVI1956039K",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_8497"
}
Komatina, P.. (2019). Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De administrando imperio and the Byzantine historiography of the mid - 10th century. in Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ
Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ., 56, 39-68.
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1956039K
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_8497
Komatina P. Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De administrando imperio and the Byzantine historiography of the mid - 10th century. in Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ. 2019;56:39-68.
doi:10.2298/ZRVI1956039K
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_8497 .
Komatina, Predrag, "Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De administrando imperio and the Byzantine historiography of the mid - 10th century" in Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ, 56 (2019):39-68,
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1956039K .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_8497 .
1
2

Some Remarks on the Divergences in the Narrative of George Akropolites and Theodore Skoutariotes

Pavlović, Bojana

(Вестник Волгоградского государственного университета, 2019)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Pavlović, Bojana
PY  - 2019
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/7266
AB  - This paper deals with the differences between the texts of the two main sources for the 13th century Byzantine history – Χρονικx συγγραφή of George Akropolites and Σύνοψις χρονική of Theodore Skoutariotes – who give an account of the events from 1204 to 1261. The Chronicle of Theodore Skoutariotes relies on the historical work of George Akropolites to a great extent, although significant additions to or omissions from Akropolites’ narrative can be noticed. The greatest divergence from the text of Akropolites is in the portrayal of the Laskarid emperors and the first Palaiologos, Michael VIII. Skoutariotes expressed positive attitude towards the Laskarids in the praises of their imperial virtues. In respect to Michael VIII, however, Skoutariotes tended to mitigate the excessive commendation of Akropolites by omitting certain epithets, or, by a careful word play that sometimes resulted in completely opposite statements compared with the ones we find in Akropolites. The differences in the accounts of the two writers can be explained by Skoutariotes’ employment of other sources, unknown to us today, and also by the fact that he included his eye-witness account in the Chronicle he compiled. The additional details provided by Skoutariotes are corroborated with the information we find in other surviving sources, a fact which
gives his testimony much more significance than previously believed. Apart from that, the author rises an important question of the employment of Skoutariotes’ Chronicle by later historians. The article consists of the following sections: Introduction; George Akropolites and Theodore Skoutariotes. Their works; Methodology; Results and general remarks; as well as Divergences concerning the reign of Theodore I Laskaris (1205–1221); John III Vatatzes (1221–1254), Theodore II Laskaris (1254–1258); Michael VIII Palaiologos (1259–1282); and Conclusion.
AB  - Исследование нацелено на анализ различий между текстами двух основных источников по
византийской истории XIII в. – «Χρονικx συγγραφή» Георгия Акрополита и «Σύνοψις χρονική» Феодора Скутариота. Обе хроники описывают события 1204–1261 годов. «Хроника» Феодора Скутариота опирается на исторический труд Георгия Акрополита. Следуя ему, Феодор Скутариот охватывает обширный период истории Никейской империи и последующих лет. Он делает значительные добавления или пропуски. Наиболее значимым различием двух исторических трудов оказывается изображение императоров династии Ласкаридов и первого Палеолога – Михаила VIII. Положительное отношение к Ласкаридам Феодор Скутариот выразил в похвалах их императорских добродетелей. Однако относительно Михаила VIII Феодор Скутариот стремится удержаться от непомерных восхвалений, характерных для Георгия Акрополита. Феодор Скутариот отказывается от использования некоторых эпитетов, или, играя словами, добивается прямо противополож-
ного эффекта своих высказываний в сравнении с «Хроникой» Георгия Акрополита. Различия в изложении исторических событий у двух писателей могут отчасти объясняться использованием отличных, не дошедших до сегодняшнего дня, источников. Сыграл свою роль тот факт, что Феодор Скутариот являлся очевидцем некоторых описываемых им в его «Хронике» событий. Другие сохранившиеся источники позволяют увидеть особую значимость свидетельств Феодора Скутариота о разных событиях, которая историографии
явно недооценена. Важен и интересен вопрос об использовании «Хроники» Феодора Скутариота византийскими историками последующего времени. Статья состоит из разделов «Введение», «Георгий Акрополит и Феодор Скутариот. Их труды», «Методология», «Результаты и общие замечания», в том числе разделы «Расхождения, касающиеся правления Феодора I Ласкариса (1205–1221)», «Иоанн III Ватаци (1221–1254)», «Феодор II Ласкарис (1254–1258)», «Михаил VIII Палеолог (1259–1282)», и «Заключение».
PB  - Вестник Волгоградского государственного университета
T2  - Вестник Волгоградского государственного университета
T1  - Some Remarks on the Divergences in the Narrative of George Akropolites and Theodore Skoutariotes
T1  - Некоторые замечания к расхождениям в нарративе Георгия Акрополита и Феодора Скутариота
SP  - 150
EP  - 172
VL  - 24
IS  - 6
DO  - 10.15688/jvolsu4.2019.6.13
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7266
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Pavlović, Bojana",
year = "2019",
abstract = "This paper deals with the differences between the texts of the two main sources for the 13th century Byzantine history – Χρονικx συγγραφή of George Akropolites and Σύνοψις χρονική of Theodore Skoutariotes – who give an account of the events from 1204 to 1261. The Chronicle of Theodore Skoutariotes relies on the historical work of George Akropolites to a great extent, although significant additions to or omissions from Akropolites’ narrative can be noticed. The greatest divergence from the text of Akropolites is in the portrayal of the Laskarid emperors and the first Palaiologos, Michael VIII. Skoutariotes expressed positive attitude towards the Laskarids in the praises of their imperial virtues. In respect to Michael VIII, however, Skoutariotes tended to mitigate the excessive commendation of Akropolites by omitting certain epithets, or, by a careful word play that sometimes resulted in completely opposite statements compared with the ones we find in Akropolites. The differences in the accounts of the two writers can be explained by Skoutariotes’ employment of other sources, unknown to us today, and also by the fact that he included his eye-witness account in the Chronicle he compiled. The additional details provided by Skoutariotes are corroborated with the information we find in other surviving sources, a fact which
gives his testimony much more significance than previously believed. Apart from that, the author rises an important question of the employment of Skoutariotes’ Chronicle by later historians. The article consists of the following sections: Introduction; George Akropolites and Theodore Skoutariotes. Their works; Methodology; Results and general remarks; as well as Divergences concerning the reign of Theodore I Laskaris (1205–1221); John III Vatatzes (1221–1254), Theodore II Laskaris (1254–1258); Michael VIII Palaiologos (1259–1282); and Conclusion., Исследование нацелено на анализ различий между текстами двух основных источников по
византийской истории XIII в. – «Χρονικx συγγραφή» Георгия Акрополита и «Σύνοψις χρονική» Феодора Скутариота. Обе хроники описывают события 1204–1261 годов. «Хроника» Феодора Скутариота опирается на исторический труд Георгия Акрополита. Следуя ему, Феодор Скутариот охватывает обширный период истории Никейской империи и последующих лет. Он делает значительные добавления или пропуски. Наиболее значимым различием двух исторических трудов оказывается изображение императоров династии Ласкаридов и первого Палеолога – Михаила VIII. Положительное отношение к Ласкаридам Феодор Скутариот выразил в похвалах их императорских добродетелей. Однако относительно Михаила VIII Феодор Скутариот стремится удержаться от непомерных восхвалений, характерных для Георгия Акрополита. Феодор Скутариот отказывается от использования некоторых эпитетов, или, играя словами, добивается прямо противополож-
ного эффекта своих высказываний в сравнении с «Хроникой» Георгия Акрополита. Различия в изложении исторических событий у двух писателей могут отчасти объясняться использованием отличных, не дошедших до сегодняшнего дня, источников. Сыграл свою роль тот факт, что Феодор Скутариот являлся очевидцем некоторых описываемых им в его «Хронике» событий. Другие сохранившиеся источники позволяют увидеть особую значимость свидетельств Феодора Скутариота о разных событиях, которая историографии
явно недооценена. Важен и интересен вопрос об использовании «Хроники» Феодора Скутариота византийскими историками последующего времени. Статья состоит из разделов «Введение», «Георгий Акрополит и Феодор Скутариот. Их труды», «Методология», «Результаты и общие замечания», в том числе разделы «Расхождения, касающиеся правления Феодора I Ласкариса (1205–1221)», «Иоанн III Ватаци (1221–1254)», «Феодор II Ласкарис (1254–1258)», «Михаил VIII Палеолог (1259–1282)», и «Заключение».",
publisher = "Вестник Волгоградского государственного университета",
journal = "Вестник Волгоградского государственного университета",
title = "Some Remarks on the Divergences in the Narrative of George Akropolites and Theodore Skoutariotes, Некоторые замечания к расхождениям в нарративе Георгия Акрополита и Феодора Скутариота",
pages = "150-172",
volume = "24",
number = "6",
doi = "10.15688/jvolsu4.2019.6.13",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7266"
}
Pavlović, B.. (2019). Some Remarks on the Divergences in the Narrative of George Akropolites and Theodore Skoutariotes. in Вестник Волгоградского государственного университета
Вестник Волгоградского государственного университета., 24(6), 150-172.
https://doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2019.6.13
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7266
Pavlović B. Some Remarks on the Divergences in the Narrative of George Akropolites and Theodore Skoutariotes. in Вестник Волгоградского государственного университета. 2019;24(6):150-172.
doi:10.15688/jvolsu4.2019.6.13
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7266 .
Pavlović, Bojana, "Some Remarks on the Divergences in the Narrative of George Akropolites and Theodore Skoutariotes" in Вестник Волгоградского государственного университета, 24, no. 6 (2019):150-172,
https://doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2019.6.13 .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7266 .

Bürgerkriege in Byzanz im 14. Jahrhundert: Propaganda und die „Kämpfe der Schreibfeder“

Pavlović, Bojana

(Budapest : Eötvös-József-Collegium, 2019)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Pavlović, Bojana
PY  - 2019
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/7265
PB  - Budapest : Eötvös-József-Collegium
T2  - Byzanz und das Abendland VI. Studia Byzantino-Occidentalia
T1  - Bürgerkriege in Byzanz im 14. Jahrhundert: Propaganda und die „Kämpfe der Schreibfeder“
SP  - 163
EP  - 177
VL  - 6
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7265
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Pavlović, Bojana",
year = "2019",
publisher = "Budapest : Eötvös-József-Collegium",
journal = "Byzanz und das Abendland VI. Studia Byzantino-Occidentalia",
booktitle = "Bürgerkriege in Byzanz im 14. Jahrhundert: Propaganda und die „Kämpfe der Schreibfeder“",
pages = "163-177",
volume = "6",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7265"
}
Pavlović, B.. (2019). Bürgerkriege in Byzanz im 14. Jahrhundert: Propaganda und die „Kämpfe der Schreibfeder“. in Byzanz und das Abendland VI. Studia Byzantino-Occidentalia
Budapest : Eötvös-József-Collegium., 6, 163-177.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7265
Pavlović B. Bürgerkriege in Byzanz im 14. Jahrhundert: Propaganda und die „Kämpfe der Schreibfeder“. in Byzanz und das Abendland VI. Studia Byzantino-Occidentalia. 2019;6:163-177.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7265 .
Pavlović, Bojana, "Bürgerkriege in Byzanz im 14. Jahrhundert: Propaganda und die „Kämpfe der Schreibfeder“" in Byzanz und das Abendland VI. Studia Byzantino-Occidentalia, 6 (2019):163-177,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7265 .

"Е, е, шта је то?" : Евнуси у војном врху византијског царства (780– 1025)

Крсмановић, Бојана

(Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ, 2018)

TY  - BOOK
AU  - Крсмановић, Бојана
PY  - 2018
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/10705
AB  - This study discusses the role of eunuchs in the military organization of the Empire from the last decades of the 8th to the beginning of the 11th century. It aims to determine the processes and circumstances that allowed eunuchs to acquire not only military power but also receive military titles and ranks – the process that led to their official inclusion into army hierarchy. In the period between the 8th and the 11th century, when the theme system had long taken hold, military organization experienced rapid development, which was reflected in both the establishment of military functions and the (re)definition of the competences these offices entailed. These shifts can be used to differentiate the main stages in the development of the Empire’s military organization: the period of the dominance of thematic military hierarchy (7th –mid-9th century); the establishment of the central command system (c. mid-9th century); the rise of command functions (second half of the 9th and the 10th century); and the reform of the provincial system (mid-10th – early 11th century). This process can be symbolically retraced through the office of the domestikos ton Scholon, whose evolution allows us to retrace the Empire’s military history and the development and rise of military aristocracy, as well as its relations with the sovereign. In the period between Constantine V and Constantine VIII, the domestikos ton Scholon underwent a long evolution from the most important military leader in the capital to the most prestigious political and social position in the Byzantine army. For more than two and a half centuries, this office remained inaccessible to eunuchs (767/8–1025/6), which forced rulers to find other ways to include their personal servants into the army. The bestowment of the office of domestikos ton Scholon on a palace eunuch symbolically completed a process that showed that individual exceptions, which carried over from one period to the next, could change a long-standing rule.
AB  - Када су око 1270. године византијски посланици посетили двор Стефана Уроша I да би преговарали о склапању брака између његовог млађег сина Милутина и византијске принцезе Ане, ћерке цара Михаила VIII Палеолога, српски краљ је, видевши њихову раско-
шну пратњу и послугу, „а нарочито евнухе“, упитао „шта би они требало да буду“ (τί ἂν καὶ εἴησαν οὗτοι;). Пошто су му византијски посланици објаснили да је такав „царски ред“ (τάξις ... βασίλειος), те да принцези „следи таква пратња“, Урош I је негодујући, наводно, рекао: „Е, е, шта је то? У нас се не живи тако!“ (Αἲ αἴ, τί ταῦτα; Καὶ ἡμῖν οὐ συνήθης αὕτη ἡ δίαιτα).
PB  - Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ
PB  - Београд : ЈП „Службени гласник“
T1  - "Е, е, шта је то?" : Евнуси у војном врху византијског царства (780– 1025)
T1  - „Αἲ αἴ, τί ταῦτα;“ : Eunuchs in the Military Leadership of the Byzantine Empire (780–1025)
VL  - 47
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10705
ER  - 
@book{
author = "Крсмановић, Бојана",
year = "2018",
abstract = "This study discusses the role of eunuchs in the military organization of the Empire from the last decades of the 8th to the beginning of the 11th century. It aims to determine the processes and circumstances that allowed eunuchs to acquire not only military power but also receive military titles and ranks – the process that led to their official inclusion into army hierarchy. In the period between the 8th and the 11th century, when the theme system had long taken hold, military organization experienced rapid development, which was reflected in both the establishment of military functions and the (re)definition of the competences these offices entailed. These shifts can be used to differentiate the main stages in the development of the Empire’s military organization: the period of the dominance of thematic military hierarchy (7th –mid-9th century); the establishment of the central command system (c. mid-9th century); the rise of command functions (second half of the 9th and the 10th century); and the reform of the provincial system (mid-10th – early 11th century). This process can be symbolically retraced through the office of the domestikos ton Scholon, whose evolution allows us to retrace the Empire’s military history and the development and rise of military aristocracy, as well as its relations with the sovereign. In the period between Constantine V and Constantine VIII, the domestikos ton Scholon underwent a long evolution from the most important military leader in the capital to the most prestigious political and social position in the Byzantine army. For more than two and a half centuries, this office remained inaccessible to eunuchs (767/8–1025/6), which forced rulers to find other ways to include their personal servants into the army. The bestowment of the office of domestikos ton Scholon on a palace eunuch symbolically completed a process that showed that individual exceptions, which carried over from one period to the next, could change a long-standing rule., Када су око 1270. године византијски посланици посетили двор Стефана Уроша I да би преговарали о склапању брака између његовог млађег сина Милутина и византијске принцезе Ане, ћерке цара Михаила VIII Палеолога, српски краљ је, видевши њихову раско-
шну пратњу и послугу, „а нарочито евнухе“, упитао „шта би они требало да буду“ (τί ἂν καὶ εἴησαν οὗτοι;). Пошто су му византијски посланици објаснили да је такав „царски ред“ (τάξις ... βασίλειος), те да принцези „следи таква пратња“, Урош I је негодујући, наводно, рекао: „Е, е, шта је то? У нас се не живи тако!“ (Αἲ αἴ, τί ταῦτα; Καὶ ἡμῖν οὐ συνήθης αὕτη ἡ δίαιτα).",
publisher = "Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ, Београд : ЈП „Службени гласник“",
title = ""Е, е, шта је то?" : Евнуси у војном врху византијског царства (780– 1025), „Αἲ αἴ, τί ταῦτα;“ : Eunuchs in the Military Leadership of the Byzantine Empire (780–1025)",
volume = "47",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10705"
}
Крсмановић, Б.. (2018). "Е, е, шта је то?" : Евнуси у војном врху византијског царства (780– 1025). 
Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ., 47.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10705
Крсмановић Б. "Е, е, шта је то?" : Евнуси у војном врху византијског царства (780– 1025). 2018;47.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10705 .
Крсмановић, Бојана, ""Е, е, шта је то?" : Евнуси у војном врху византијског царства (780– 1025)", 47 (2018),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10705 .

New Byzantine Seals from Morava (Margum) and Braničevo

Ivanišević, Vujadin; Krsmanović, Bojana

(Belgrade: Institute of Archaeology, 2018)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Ivanišević, Vujadin
AU  - Krsmanović, Bojana
PY  - 2018
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/11881
AB  - The authors present new finds of Byzantine lead seals at Morava (Margum), Braničevo and the broader area around them. The seals from Morava and Braničevo were unearthed in the course of archaeological excavations, which make these finds particularly important. Significant among them is the seal from Morava, which belonged to Symeon (?), magister and logothete of the dromos, from the end of the tenth century, which indicates the presence of Byzantine officials in Morava and the establishment of Byzantine authority along the north-western Danubian border following the fall of the Bulgarian empire in 971.
Three new seals from Braničevo complement the list of Byzantine officials in connection with the events on the Danubian border in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. The seals found in the broader area of Braničevo should also be added to this list. Of particular significance among them is the seal of Georgios Palaiologos Doukas Komnenos, megas hetaireiarches, a well known historical figure involved in events in Hungary, Serbia and on the Danubian border in the 1160s.
PB  - Belgrade: Institute of Archaeology
T2  - Starinar
T1  - New Byzantine Seals from Morava (Margum) and Braničevo
SP  - 111
EP  - 124
VL  - 68
DO  - 10.2298/STA1868111I
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_11881
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Ivanišević, Vujadin and Krsmanović, Bojana",
year = "2018",
abstract = "The authors present new finds of Byzantine lead seals at Morava (Margum), Braničevo and the broader area around them. The seals from Morava and Braničevo were unearthed in the course of archaeological excavations, which make these finds particularly important. Significant among them is the seal from Morava, which belonged to Symeon (?), magister and logothete of the dromos, from the end of the tenth century, which indicates the presence of Byzantine officials in Morava and the establishment of Byzantine authority along the north-western Danubian border following the fall of the Bulgarian empire in 971.
Three new seals from Braničevo complement the list of Byzantine officials in connection with the events on the Danubian border in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. The seals found in the broader area of Braničevo should also be added to this list. Of particular significance among them is the seal of Georgios Palaiologos Doukas Komnenos, megas hetaireiarches, a well known historical figure involved in events in Hungary, Serbia and on the Danubian border in the 1160s.",
publisher = "Belgrade: Institute of Archaeology",
journal = "Starinar",
title = "New Byzantine Seals from Morava (Margum) and Braničevo",
pages = "111-124",
volume = "68",
doi = "10.2298/STA1868111I",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_11881"
}
Ivanišević, V.,& Krsmanović, B.. (2018). New Byzantine Seals from Morava (Margum) and Braničevo. in Starinar
Belgrade: Institute of Archaeology., 68, 111-124.
https://doi.org/10.2298/STA1868111I
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_11881
Ivanišević V, Krsmanović B. New Byzantine Seals from Morava (Margum) and Braničevo. in Starinar. 2018;68:111-124.
doi:10.2298/STA1868111I
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_11881 .
Ivanišević, Vujadin, Krsmanović, Bojana, "New Byzantine Seals from Morava (Margum) and Braničevo" in Starinar, 68 (2018):111-124,
https://doi.org/10.2298/STA1868111I .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_11881 .
3
1

"Ромејска историја" Нићифора Григоре: историјска анализа дела

Pavlović, Bojana D.

(Београд : Универзитет у Београду, Филозофски факултет, 2018)

TY  - THES
AU  - Pavlović, Bojana D.
PY  - 2018
UR  - http://eteze.bg.ac.rs/application/showtheses?thesesId=6383
UR  - https://fedorabg.bg.ac.rs/fedora/get/o:19072/bdef:Content/download
UR  - http://vbs.rs/scripts/cobiss?command=DISPLAY&base=70036&RID=529610903
UR  - http://nardus.mpn.gov.rs/123456789/10471
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/6326
AB  - Ромејска историја Нићифора Григоре, великог византијског интелектуалца, поред мемоарског списа Јована Кантакузина, представља један од најзначајнијих извора за проучавање историје позног Византијског царства. Дело је подељено на XXXVII књига и обрађује широки временски период од 1204. до 1359. године. Надовезујући се на историјске списе два великана византијске историографије, Георгија Акрополита и Георгија Пахимера, Нићифор Григора је већи део своје Историје посветио њему савременим догађајима, дакле крају XIII и првој половини XIV столећа. Григора је највише пажње посветио политичкој историји, грађанским ратовима, црквеним питањима, социјалним и економским проблемима, али и приказивању културног полета Царства, за који се у науци усталио назив ренесанса Палеолога.Овако богато и волуминозно дело византијског полихистора до сада је у науци најчешће коришћено као извор података у циљу што боље спознаје последњих векова постојања Царства. Главни циљ овог рада, међутим, представља тумачење Григориног историјског списа као историографског дела које припада ризници византијске књижевности. У фокус истраживања су стога стављене околности и културна клима које су утицале на настанак Ромејске историје, начела према којима се аутор водио током писања свог дела, пишчево поимање историје, извори које је користио ради приказивања одређених догађаја, као и однос према претпостављеним „колегама по перу”. Поимање сопствене прошлости, портретисање догађаја који су чинили прекретницу у даљем опстанку Царства после 1204. године, као и личности које су тој прошлости дале обележје осликава се у материјалу који је историчар одабрао да прикаже, као и у оном који је одлучио да изостави. Посебан акценат стављен је на разлике у Григорином приказивању догађаја које је описивао уз коришћење изворног материјала и оних којима је сам био савременик, а некима и сведок. Начело аутопсије које су писци византијске историографије сматрали особито важним у свом делу истицао је и Нићифор Григора у циљу давања Ромејској историји печат којим се потврђивала веродостојност исказа. С тим у вези особита пажња поклоњена је Григориној карактеризацији ликова, пре свега царским фигурама чији се портрети посебно издвајају и који историјском спису византијског полихистора намећу биографску структуру, која, међутим, није у целости испоштована. Поред тога, истакло се и постојање две Историје у једној: она која је била планирана и писана и она која сенакнадно издвојила када је писац са приказивања догађаја у Царству прешао на осликавање личног спора са вођом исихаста, Григоријем Паламом, што је довело до рађања повести о Григорином диспуту са византијским теологом. Најзад, посебна целина посвећена је и наративним формама које је Григора користио, како би у својој „историјској радионици” написао дело које је обухватало безмало 160 година историје Царства Ромеја...
AB  - The Roman History of Nikephoros Gregoras, a great Byzantine intellectual, apart from The Memoirs of John Kantakuzenos, represents one of the most important sources for the study of the history of the late Byzantine Empire. The work consists of XXXVII books and covers a wide period from 1204 to 1359. Leaning on the historical writings of two great Byzantine historiographers, George Akropolites and George Pachymeres, Nikephoros Gregoras devoted most of his History to contemporary events, i. e. the end of the XIII and the first half of the XIV century. Gregoras paid much attention to political history, civil wars, church matters, social and economic problems, as well as to the presentation of the cultural upsurge in the Empire, the so-called Renaissance of the Palaiologoi.So far, this rich and voluminous work of the Byzantine polymath has mostly been used as a rich source of information for the better understanding of the last centuries of the Empire’s existence. The main objective of the doctoral dissertation, however, is the interpretation of Gregoras’ historical writing as a historiographical work which belongs to the treasury of Byzantine literature. The focuses of the research are, therefore, the circumstances and cultural climate that influenced the emergence of The Roman History, the principles which guided the author during the writing of his work, his understanding and perception of history, the sources he used to present certain events, as well as his relation to his presumed "colleagues". The perception of one's own past, the portrayal of events that marked a turning point in the further survival of the Empire after 1204, as well as of characters that left their mark in the past, is reflected in the material the historian chose to present, as well as in the one he decided to leave out. Special accent is put on the differences in Gregoras’ presentation of the events he described using available source material from the ones he witnessed as a contemporary. The principle of autopsy, considered to be particularly important by the authors of Byzantine historiography, was also emphasized in the work of Gregoras with the aim to provide The Roman History with a seal of credibility. In this regard, particular attention is paid to Gregoras’ portrayal of characters, mainly imperial figures, whose portraits are especially distinguished and which imposed a biographical structure on the historical work of the Byzantine polymath, which was, however, not entirely attained. In addition, the existence of two Histories within one is emphasized: the one that was planned and written and the one that was singled out subsequently, when the writer started to narrate the events related to the Hesychast controversy, which led to the creation of History of Gregoras’ personal dispute with the leader of the Hesychasts, Gregory Palamas. Finally, special chapter is dedicated tothe narrative forms Gregoras used to create a work that covered nearly 160 years of the history of the Eastern Roman Empire in his "historical workshop"...
PB  - Београд : Универзитет у Београду, Филозофски факултет
T2  - Универзитет у Београду
T1  - "Ромејска историја" Нићифора Григоре: историјска анализа дела
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6326
ER  - 
@phdthesis{
author = "Pavlović, Bojana D.",
year = "2018",
abstract = "Ромејска историја Нићифора Григоре, великог византијског интелектуалца, поред мемоарског списа Јована Кантакузина, представља један од најзначајнијих извора за проучавање историје позног Византијског царства. Дело је подељено на XXXVII књига и обрађује широки временски период од 1204. до 1359. године. Надовезујући се на историјске списе два великана византијске историографије, Георгија Акрополита и Георгија Пахимера, Нићифор Григора је већи део своје Историје посветио њему савременим догађајима, дакле крају XIII и првој половини XIV столећа. Григора је највише пажње посветио политичкој историји, грађанским ратовима, црквеним питањима, социјалним и економским проблемима, али и приказивању културног полета Царства, за који се у науци усталио назив ренесанса Палеолога.Овако богато и волуминозно дело византијског полихистора до сада је у науци најчешће коришћено као извор података у циљу што боље спознаје последњих векова постојања Царства. Главни циљ овог рада, међутим, представља тумачење Григориног историјског списа као историографског дела које припада ризници византијске књижевности. У фокус истраживања су стога стављене околности и културна клима које су утицале на настанак Ромејске историје, начела према којима се аутор водио током писања свог дела, пишчево поимање историје, извори које је користио ради приказивања одређених догађаја, као и однос према претпостављеним „колегама по перу”. Поимање сопствене прошлости, портретисање догађаја који су чинили прекретницу у даљем опстанку Царства после 1204. године, као и личности које су тој прошлости дале обележје осликава се у материјалу који је историчар одабрао да прикаже, као и у оном који је одлучио да изостави. Посебан акценат стављен је на разлике у Григорином приказивању догађаја које је описивао уз коришћење изворног материјала и оних којима је сам био савременик, а некима и сведок. Начело аутопсије које су писци византијске историографије сматрали особито важним у свом делу истицао је и Нићифор Григора у циљу давања Ромејској историји печат којим се потврђивала веродостојност исказа. С тим у вези особита пажња поклоњена је Григориној карактеризацији ликова, пре свега царским фигурама чији се портрети посебно издвајају и који историјском спису византијског полихистора намећу биографску структуру, која, међутим, није у целости испоштована. Поред тога, истакло се и постојање две Историје у једној: она која је била планирана и писана и она која сенакнадно издвојила када је писац са приказивања догађаја у Царству прешао на осликавање личног спора са вођом исихаста, Григоријем Паламом, што је довело до рађања повести о Григорином диспуту са византијским теологом. Најзад, посебна целина посвећена је и наративним формама које је Григора користио, како би у својој „историјској радионици” написао дело које је обухватало безмало 160 година историје Царства Ромеја..., The Roman History of Nikephoros Gregoras, a great Byzantine intellectual, apart from The Memoirs of John Kantakuzenos, represents one of the most important sources for the study of the history of the late Byzantine Empire. The work consists of XXXVII books and covers a wide period from 1204 to 1359. Leaning on the historical writings of two great Byzantine historiographers, George Akropolites and George Pachymeres, Nikephoros Gregoras devoted most of his History to contemporary events, i. e. the end of the XIII and the first half of the XIV century. Gregoras paid much attention to political history, civil wars, church matters, social and economic problems, as well as to the presentation of the cultural upsurge in the Empire, the so-called Renaissance of the Palaiologoi.So far, this rich and voluminous work of the Byzantine polymath has mostly been used as a rich source of information for the better understanding of the last centuries of the Empire’s existence. The main objective of the doctoral dissertation, however, is the interpretation of Gregoras’ historical writing as a historiographical work which belongs to the treasury of Byzantine literature. The focuses of the research are, therefore, the circumstances and cultural climate that influenced the emergence of The Roman History, the principles which guided the author during the writing of his work, his understanding and perception of history, the sources he used to present certain events, as well as his relation to his presumed "colleagues". The perception of one's own past, the portrayal of events that marked a turning point in the further survival of the Empire after 1204, as well as of characters that left their mark in the past, is reflected in the material the historian chose to present, as well as in the one he decided to leave out. Special accent is put on the differences in Gregoras’ presentation of the events he described using available source material from the ones he witnessed as a contemporary. The principle of autopsy, considered to be particularly important by the authors of Byzantine historiography, was also emphasized in the work of Gregoras with the aim to provide The Roman History with a seal of credibility. In this regard, particular attention is paid to Gregoras’ portrayal of characters, mainly imperial figures, whose portraits are especially distinguished and which imposed a biographical structure on the historical work of the Byzantine polymath, which was, however, not entirely attained. In addition, the existence of two Histories within one is emphasized: the one that was planned and written and the one that was singled out subsequently, when the writer started to narrate the events related to the Hesychast controversy, which led to the creation of History of Gregoras’ personal dispute with the leader of the Hesychasts, Gregory Palamas. Finally, special chapter is dedicated tothe narrative forms Gregoras used to create a work that covered nearly 160 years of the history of the Eastern Roman Empire in his "historical workshop"...",
publisher = "Београд : Универзитет у Београду, Филозофски факултет",
journal = "Универзитет у Београду",
title = ""Ромејска историја" Нићифора Григоре: историјска анализа дела",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6326"
}
Pavlović, B. D.. (2018). "Ромејска историја" Нићифора Григоре: историјска анализа дела. in Универзитет у Београду
Београд : Универзитет у Београду, Филозофски факултет..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6326
Pavlović BD. "Ромејска историја" Нићифора Григоре: историјска анализа дела. in Универзитет у Београду. 2018;.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6326 .
Pavlović, Bojana D., ""Ромејска историја" Нићифора Григоре: историјска анализа дела" in Универзитет у Београду (2018),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6326 .

Византијски литијски крст из Жупе Дубровачке / The Byzantine processional cross from Župa Dubrovačka

Lupis, Vinicije; Milanović, Ljubomir

(Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ, 2018)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Lupis, Vinicije
AU  - Milanović, Ljubomir
PY  - 2018
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/11568
AB  - У Цркви Светог Николе у Жакули у Жупи дубровачкој чува се византијски
литијски крст. Досадашња истраживања су га датовала између 6. и 10. века. Крст је
пронађен на локалитету Цркве Светог Ђурђа, која, највероватније, потиче из периода
између 10. и 12. века, као и некропола око цркве, са траговима ранијих укопавања.
Крст је капљичастог типа, са натписима који прослављају Светог архистратига Миха-
ила и помињу чудо у Хони. Рад се бави новим, прецизнијим датовањем самог крста,
као и утврђивањем његовог могућег порекла и функције.
AB  - A Byzantine processional cross is preserved in the church of St. Nicholas in Žakula in
Župa dubrovačka. Past research has dated the cross between the 6th and 10th centuries. This
artifact was found at the archeological site of St. George’s church, which was most likely constructed between the 10th–12th centuries. The cross is of a tear-shaped type and bears inscriptions that invoke the name of Archistrategos Michael and refer to his Miracle at Chonae. This paper aims to give a new, more precise date for the cross, as well as determining its possible
origin and function.
PB  - Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ
T2  - Зборник радова Византолошког института 55
T1  - Византијски литијски крст из Жупе Дубровачке / The Byzantine processional cross from Župa Dubrovačka
SP  - 107
EP  - 126
VL  - 55
DO  - 10.2298/ZRVI1855107L
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_11568
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Lupis, Vinicije and Milanović, Ljubomir",
year = "2018",
abstract = "У Цркви Светог Николе у Жакули у Жупи дубровачкој чува се византијски
литијски крст. Досадашња истраживања су га датовала између 6. и 10. века. Крст је
пронађен на локалитету Цркве Светог Ђурђа, која, највероватније, потиче из периода
између 10. и 12. века, као и некропола око цркве, са траговима ранијих укопавања.
Крст је капљичастог типа, са натписима који прослављају Светог архистратига Миха-
ила и помињу чудо у Хони. Рад се бави новим, прецизнијим датовањем самог крста,
као и утврђивањем његовог могућег порекла и функције., A Byzantine processional cross is preserved in the church of St. Nicholas in Žakula in
Župa dubrovačka. Past research has dated the cross between the 6th and 10th centuries. This
artifact was found at the archeological site of St. George’s church, which was most likely constructed between the 10th–12th centuries. The cross is of a tear-shaped type and bears inscriptions that invoke the name of Archistrategos Michael and refer to his Miracle at Chonae. This paper aims to give a new, more precise date for the cross, as well as determining its possible
origin and function.",
publisher = "Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ",
journal = "Зборник радова Византолошког института 55",
title = "Византијски литијски крст из Жупе Дубровачке / The Byzantine processional cross from Župa Dubrovačka",
pages = "107-126",
volume = "55",
doi = "10.2298/ZRVI1855107L",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_11568"
}
Lupis, V.,& Milanović, L.. (2018). Византијски литијски крст из Жупе Дубровачке / The Byzantine processional cross from Župa Dubrovačka. in Зборник радова Византолошког института 55
Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ., 55, 107-126.
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1855107L
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_11568
Lupis V, Milanović L. Византијски литијски крст из Жупе Дубровачке / The Byzantine processional cross from Župa Dubrovačka. in Зборник радова Византолошког института 55. 2018;55:107-126.
doi:10.2298/ZRVI1855107L
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_11568 .
Lupis, Vinicije, Milanović, Ljubomir, "Византијски литијски крст из Жупе Дубровачке / The Byzantine processional cross from Župa Dubrovačka" in Зборник радова Византолошког института 55, 55 (2018):107-126,
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1855107L .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_11568 .
9

Одређивање наследниковог наследника и породични фидеикомис у византијским изворима / Appointing the heir’s heir and family trust (fideicommissum) in Byzantine legal sources

Матовић, Тамара

(Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ, 2018)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Матовић, Тамара
PY  - 2018
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/11567
AB  - У раду се истражују тестаментарне супституције, чији се описи појављују у ви-
зантијским правним изворима, у потпуности према традицији римског права. Осим
што није често предмет научног интересовања, разјашњaвање тестаментарних суп-
ституција може да допринесе бољем разумевању одређених одредаба византијских
правних збирки, како државних тако и приватних, али и српских средњовековних
правних споменика – тзв. Закона градског и старосрпског превода Синтагме Матије
Властара, у којима се оне појављују.
AB  - Testamentary substitutions are the subject of this article. The issue has not been fairly
highlighted in the field of Byzantine studies. Definitions of this legal institute are frequent
in the Byzantine legal sources, and are based on the Roman legal tradition; yet, they are
sporadic, particularly in the younger codes. Researching on them could lead to better understanding of different legal stipulations, the ones found in the official and private legal codes.
From there, definitions of various testametary substitutions were translated and adopted in
medieval Serbian sources – “Zakon gradski“, translation of Byzantine legal code Prochiron
Nomos within the Nomocanon of Saint Sava, and the Old Serbian translation of Syntagma
of Matthew Blastares.
PB  - Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ
T2  - Зборник радова Византолошког института 55
T1  - Одређивање наследниковог наследника и породични фидеикомис у византијским изворима / Appointing the heir’s heir and family trust (fideicommissum) in Byzantine legal sources
SP  - 201
EP  - 214
VL  - 55
DO  - 10.2298/ZRVI1855201M
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_11567
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Матовић, Тамара",
year = "2018",
abstract = "У раду се истражују тестаментарне супституције, чији се описи појављују у ви-
зантијским правним изворима, у потпуности према традицији римског права. Осим
што није често предмет научног интересовања, разјашњaвање тестаментарних суп-
ституција може да допринесе бољем разумевању одређених одредаба византијских
правних збирки, како државних тако и приватних, али и српских средњовековних
правних споменика – тзв. Закона градског и старосрпског превода Синтагме Матије
Властара, у којима се оне појављују., Testamentary substitutions are the subject of this article. The issue has not been fairly
highlighted in the field of Byzantine studies. Definitions of this legal institute are frequent
in the Byzantine legal sources, and are based on the Roman legal tradition; yet, they are
sporadic, particularly in the younger codes. Researching on them could lead to better understanding of different legal stipulations, the ones found in the official and private legal codes.
From there, definitions of various testametary substitutions were translated and adopted in
medieval Serbian sources – “Zakon gradski“, translation of Byzantine legal code Prochiron
Nomos within the Nomocanon of Saint Sava, and the Old Serbian translation of Syntagma
of Matthew Blastares.",
publisher = "Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ",
journal = "Зборник радова Византолошког института 55",
title = "Одређивање наследниковог наследника и породични фидеикомис у византијским изворима / Appointing the heir’s heir and family trust (fideicommissum) in Byzantine legal sources",
pages = "201-214",
volume = "55",
doi = "10.2298/ZRVI1855201M",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_11567"
}
Матовић, Т.. (2018). Одређивање наследниковог наследника и породични фидеикомис у византијским изворима / Appointing the heir’s heir and family trust (fideicommissum) in Byzantine legal sources. in Зборник радова Византолошког института 55
Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ., 55, 201-214.
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1855201M
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_11567
Матовић Т. Одређивање наследниковог наследника и породични фидеикомис у византијским изворима / Appointing the heir’s heir and family trust (fideicommissum) in Byzantine legal sources. in Зборник радова Византолошког института 55. 2018;55:201-214.
doi:10.2298/ZRVI1855201M
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_11567 .
Матовић, Тамара, "Одређивање наследниковог наследника и породични фидеикомис у византијским изворима / Appointing the heir’s heir and family trust (fideicommissum) in Byzantine legal sources" in Зборник радова Византолошког института 55, 55 (2018):201-214,
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1855201M .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_11567 .
9

Semantra and Bells in Byzantium / Клепала и звона у Византији

Миљковић, Бојан

(Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ, 2018)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Миљковић, Бојан
PY  - 2018
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/6310
AB  - According to written sources, semantra were used to summon the faithful to prayer throughout the history of Byzantium, during more than one millennium. Semantra were first made exclusively of wood, while as of the mid-11th century some monasteries used three types of semantra – a small and big semantron made of wood, and the third, bronze semantron. Up until the Fourth Crusade, lay churches in Constantinople, including Hagia Sophia, as well as cathedral temples in the interior, maintained the ancient tradition of using wooden semantra only. The first reliable example of the use of bells originates from the mid-12th century. At a least hundred years earlier, they were brought to the Empire’s territory by traders from the Apennine peninsula for their places of worship. The erection of a high belfry in front of the Constantinople Great Church at the time of the Latin Empire had the decisive influence on the acceptance of bells after 1261, first in the liturgical practice of the capital, and then in the entire territory of the restored Empire under the Palaiologoi dynasty. The new practice did not uproot the older one – semantra continued to be used.
PB  - Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ
T2  - Зборник радова Византолошког института
T1  - Semantra and  Bells in Byzantium / Клепала и звона у Византији
SP  - 271
EP  - 303
VL  - 55
DO  - 10.2298/ZRVI1855271M
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6310
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Миљковић, Бојан",
year = "2018",
abstract = "According to written sources, semantra were used to summon the faithful to prayer throughout the history of Byzantium, during more than one millennium. Semantra were first made exclusively of wood, while as of the mid-11th century some monasteries used three types of semantra – a small and big semantron made of wood, and the third, bronze semantron. Up until the Fourth Crusade, lay churches in Constantinople, including Hagia Sophia, as well as cathedral temples in the interior, maintained the ancient tradition of using wooden semantra only. The first reliable example of the use of bells originates from the mid-12th century. At a least hundred years earlier, they were brought to the Empire’s territory by traders from the Apennine peninsula for their places of worship. The erection of a high belfry in front of the Constantinople Great Church at the time of the Latin Empire had the decisive influence on the acceptance of bells after 1261, first in the liturgical practice of the capital, and then in the entire territory of the restored Empire under the Palaiologoi dynasty. The new practice did not uproot the older one – semantra continued to be used.",
publisher = "Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ",
journal = "Зборник радова Византолошког института",
title = "Semantra and  Bells in Byzantium / Клепала и звона у Византији",
pages = "271-303",
volume = "55",
doi = "10.2298/ZRVI1855271M",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6310"
}
Миљковић, Б.. (2018). Semantra and  Bells in Byzantium / Клепала и звона у Византији. in Зборник радова Византолошког института
Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ., 55, 271-303.
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1855271M
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6310
Миљковић Б. Semantra and  Bells in Byzantium / Клепала и звона у Византији. in Зборник радова Византолошког института. 2018;55:271-303.
doi:10.2298/ZRVI1855271M
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6310 .
Миљковић, Бојан, "Semantra and  Bells in Byzantium / Клепала и звона у Византији" in Зборник радова Византолошког института, 55 (2018):271-303,
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1855271M .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6310 .
9

Византијски и угарски Срем од X до XIII века

Коматина, Предраг; Коматина, Ивана

(Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ, 2018)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Коматина, Предраг
AU  - Коматина, Ивана
PY  - 2018
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/7142
AB  - Одавно је познато да је у средњем веку назив „Срем“ означавао не само међуречје Саве и Дунава, него и територију на десној обали Саве, данашњу Мачву, која се у изворима назива „Онострани Срем“ (Sirmia Ulterior). У раду се анализирају подаци о историји Срема од X до XIII века не би ли се утврдило када и у каквим околностима се име Срема проширило на десну обалу Саве.
AB  - It has been long known that the name “Syrmia” in the Middle Ages meant not only the area between the rivers Sava and Danube, but also the territory on the right bank of the Sava, today’s Mačva, which was called in the sources “Further Syrmia” (Sirmia Ulterior). In this article we analyze the data concerning the history of Syrmia in the 10th–13th centuries in order to determine when and in what circumstances the name of Syrmia came to denote the right bank of the Sava.
PB  - Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ
T2  - Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ
T1  - Византијски и угарски Срем од X до XIII века
T1  - The Byzantine and Hungarian Syrmia in the 10th–13th centuries
SP  - 141
EP  - 164
VL  - 55
DO  - 10.2298/ZRVI1855141K
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7142
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Коматина, Предраг and Коматина, Ивана",
year = "2018",
abstract = "Одавно је познато да је у средњем веку назив „Срем“ означавао не само међуречје Саве и Дунава, него и територију на десној обали Саве, данашњу Мачву, која се у изворима назива „Онострани Срем“ (Sirmia Ulterior). У раду се анализирају подаци о историји Срема од X до XIII века не би ли се утврдило када и у каквим околностима се име Срема проширило на десну обалу Саве., It has been long known that the name “Syrmia” in the Middle Ages meant not only the area between the rivers Sava and Danube, but also the territory on the right bank of the Sava, today’s Mačva, which was called in the sources “Further Syrmia” (Sirmia Ulterior). In this article we analyze the data concerning the history of Syrmia in the 10th–13th centuries in order to determine when and in what circumstances the name of Syrmia came to denote the right bank of the Sava.",
publisher = "Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ",
journal = "Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ",
title = "Византијски и угарски Срем од X до XIII века, The Byzantine and Hungarian Syrmia in the 10th–13th centuries",
pages = "141-164",
volume = "55",
doi = "10.2298/ZRVI1855141K",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7142"
}
Коматина, П.,& Коматина, И.. (2018). Византијски и угарски Срем од X до XIII века. in Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ
Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ., 55, 141-164.
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1855141K
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7142
Коматина П, Коматина И. Византијски и угарски Срем од X до XIII века. in Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ. 2018;55:141-164.
doi:10.2298/ZRVI1855141K
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7142 .
Коматина, Предраг, Коматина, Ивана, "Византијски и угарски Срем од X до XIII века" in Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ, 55 (2018):141-164,
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1855141K .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7142 .
9

Настанак „Млетачке Албаније“ и успомена на византијску власт у српском поморју

Коматина, Ивана; Коматина, Предраг

(Београд : Историјски институт, 2018)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Коматина, Ивана
AU  - Коматина, Предраг
PY  - 2018
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/10720
AB  - У раду се истражују историјске и политичке околности које су као резултат имале настанак „Млетачке Албаније“. Такође, посебна пажња је посвећена проматрању односа између Албаније у географском, политичком и историјском погледу и новоосноване „Млетачке Албаније“, тј. проналази се историјска нит која је Млечанима била упориште за коришћење назива Албанија на простору српског Поморја од Скадра до Котора.
AB  - The paper deals with the facts that led to the creation of “Venetian Albania“. Namely, “Venetian Albania“ (Albania Veneta) was a historical and geographical entity that emerged after the Venetian takeover of Durazzo from its Albanian master George Topia in 1392, and survived until the peace of Campoformio and the annexation of Venice and the remaining Venetian lands in the Adriatic to Austria in 1797. Although its origin was related to the Venetian occupation of Durazzo, its territory lay primarily, and after the fall of Durazzo, under the Ottomans in 1501, in the area of the medieval Serbian Littoral, from Cattaro to Scutari, which before the spread of “Venetian Albania“ was never
considered to be “Albania“.
However, it is first necessary to explain the geographical, historical and political relationship between original Albania and newly established “Venetian Albania“. Albania, that is, the Arbanum region – a wider area around the town of Kruje, was initially part of the theme of Durazzo of the Byzantine Empire. After the fall of Constantinople into the hands of Crusaders in 1204, Durazzo fell into the hands of the Venetians, but in the region of Arbanum, we encounter the first testimonies of the Principatus Arbanensis (“Principality of Arbanum“) as a political entity. In the following period, Arbanum and Durazzo changed supreme authority several times, firstly Epirote, then Bulgarian, and at the end, the struggle for the control of these territories was fought between the Despotate of Epirus and the Empire of Nicaea. Sicilian King Manfred of Hoenstaufen also participated in these events. After Manfred’s death, Charles of Anjou became a pretender to Manfred’s inheritance. In order to achieve his goal, in Viterbo in 1267 he made an alliance with Latin emperor Baldwin who acknowledged his rights over Manfred’s inheritance in Epirus, as well as in the “kingdom of Albania“ (regnum Albaniae), which was the first mention of that term. Based on these provisions, by 1272 Charles had already under his rule Durazzo and Albania. He appointed his captain for the Kingdom of Albania, to whom he subsequently entrusted the administration of Durazzo, which was not considered part of the Kingdom of Albania. The Kingdom ofAlbania temporarily disappeared in 1284. After the change of the Byzantine and Serbian authorities over Durazzo and the Albanian hinterland, the Angevine pretensions were revived with Philip of Taranto and in 1304 he issued a series of privileges to the Durazzins and “the estates of the Kingdom of Albania“. However, although the city of Durazzo was treated as a separate entity, this time during the Angevine rule, it completely belonged to the restored Kingdom of Albania. During the time of Philip’s successors, Durazzo was constituted as a separate Duchy of Durazzo and was again separated from the rest of the “Kingdom of Albania“. The rule of the Duke of Durazzo over the “Kingdom of Albania“ was still unstable and dependent upon the loyalty of Albanian nobles. During the 1340s, they recognised Serbian authority, after which the Angevine “Kingdom of Albania“ ceased to exist, but the Duchy of Durazzo held up until 1368, when it was won over by Charles Topia, an Albanian local nobleman. Once again, Durazzo and its Albanian hinterland were united under the rule of the same lord.As early as 1362, the Durazzins came into close contact with the Venetians, and four years later, Charles Topia received the privileges of Venetian citizenship. His son George Topia also had close cooperation with the Venetians. However, after George’s death in 1392, the city and its Albanian hinterland came in possession of the Venetians, and that is how “Venetian Albania“ came into existence, although that term was still unknown. So the only link between original Albania and “Venetian Albania“, except for the name, was the city of Durazzo. “Venetian Albania“ did not spread to the east, to the core of Albania – former Arbanum; on the contrary, it was soon extended to the north, thanks to the lord of Zeta, George II Stratimirović Balšić. Namely, he offered the cities of Scutari and Drivasto to the Venetians. However, the Venetians were not allowed to accept them at once, as they would violate the peace provisions with the Hungarians of 1358 and 1381, which meant that the Hungarian authority would extend through all of Dalmatia, from “Quarnaro to the borders of Durazzo“. Therefore, Scutari and Drivasto were certainly located within that area. Nevertheless, skilled Venetians, wanting to extend the boundaries of “Venetian Albania“ to the north, ordered their captain of Durazzo to find in the old acts whether those cities belonged to Dalmatia or to the “borders of Durazzo“. The captain of Durazzo obviously found some ancient
writings, even from the period of the Byzantine authority about the spread of the theme of Durazzo over those cities in the period from the 9th to the 11th centuries (which is evidenced by the works of Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus, John Scylitzes, Scylitzes Continuatus, Nicephorus Bryennius, Anne Comnene). After the Serbian conquest of these towns in the middle of the 11th century, they made a whole with the old Serbian land of Dioclea (Zeta), but they retained a specificstatus, so we often encounter the phrases “Zeta and the Cities“ or “Dioclea and Dalmatia“, where under Dalmatia the area of Upper Dalmatia was meant. In the 13th century Thomas the Archdeacon defined the entirety of Dalmatia as an area starting from Epirus and Durazzo and extending to the Quarnaro Bay, just like in the treaties of 1358 and 1381. The Venetians thus violated these provisions, but they justified their own actions by calling upon the former affiliation of these cities to the Byzantine theme of Durazzo. A similar dispute over the issue of whom these cities, Scutari in particular, belonged to – Dalmatia or Durazzo, was initiated by Serbian grand župan Stefan Nemanjić in 1214. The Venetians perhaps used the evidence pertaining to that dispute, in addition to finding older documents from the time of Byzantine rule. It was only then that after the spread of the Venetian power over the southern Adriatic cities of Scutari and Drivasto that the name of “Albania“ was first used. Since then, it became a more common name for the Venetian territories in the South Adriatic, and gradually spread to the north, eventually encompassing all of Zeta. The Turkish founding of the Sanjak of Scutari in 1479 had a strong geopolitical foundation in “Venetian Albania“, and as it included Montenegro and Brda, they were considered a part of Albania up until the 19th century. On the other hand, “Venetian Albania“ after the Turkish conquest of Durazzo in 1501 was reduced only to the areas of the cities of Budva and Cattaro, far beyond the borders of the theme of Durazzo, its original core.
PB  - Београд : Историјски институт
T2  - Историјски часопис LXVII
T1  - Настанак „Млетачке Албаније“ и успомена на византијску власт у српском поморју
T1  - The Establishment of “Venetian Albania“ and the Memory of Byzantine Rule in the Serbian Littoral
SP  - 55
EP  - 82
VL  - 67
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10720
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Коматина, Ивана and Коматина, Предраг",
year = "2018",
abstract = "У раду се истражују историјске и политичке околности које су као резултат имале настанак „Млетачке Албаније“. Такође, посебна пажња је посвећена проматрању односа између Албаније у географском, политичком и историјском погледу и новоосноване „Млетачке Албаније“, тј. проналази се историјска нит која је Млечанима била упориште за коришћење назива Албанија на простору српског Поморја од Скадра до Котора., The paper deals with the facts that led to the creation of “Venetian Albania“. Namely, “Venetian Albania“ (Albania Veneta) was a historical and geographical entity that emerged after the Venetian takeover of Durazzo from its Albanian master George Topia in 1392, and survived until the peace of Campoformio and the annexation of Venice and the remaining Venetian lands in the Adriatic to Austria in 1797. Although its origin was related to the Venetian occupation of Durazzo, its territory lay primarily, and after the fall of Durazzo, under the Ottomans in 1501, in the area of the medieval Serbian Littoral, from Cattaro to Scutari, which before the spread of “Venetian Albania“ was never
considered to be “Albania“.
However, it is first necessary to explain the geographical, historical and political relationship between original Albania and newly established “Venetian Albania“. Albania, that is, the Arbanum region – a wider area around the town of Kruje, was initially part of the theme of Durazzo of the Byzantine Empire. After the fall of Constantinople into the hands of Crusaders in 1204, Durazzo fell into the hands of the Venetians, but in the region of Arbanum, we encounter the first testimonies of the Principatus Arbanensis (“Principality of Arbanum“) as a political entity. In the following period, Arbanum and Durazzo changed supreme authority several times, firstly Epirote, then Bulgarian, and at the end, the struggle for the control of these territories was fought between the Despotate of Epirus and the Empire of Nicaea. Sicilian King Manfred of Hoenstaufen also participated in these events. After Manfred’s death, Charles of Anjou became a pretender to Manfred’s inheritance. In order to achieve his goal, in Viterbo in 1267 he made an alliance with Latin emperor Baldwin who acknowledged his rights over Manfred’s inheritance in Epirus, as well as in the “kingdom of Albania“ (regnum Albaniae), which was the first mention of that term. Based on these provisions, by 1272 Charles had already under his rule Durazzo and Albania. He appointed his captain for the Kingdom of Albania, to whom he subsequently entrusted the administration of Durazzo, which was not considered part of the Kingdom of Albania. The Kingdom ofAlbania temporarily disappeared in 1284. After the change of the Byzantine and Serbian authorities over Durazzo and the Albanian hinterland, the Angevine pretensions were revived with Philip of Taranto and in 1304 he issued a series of privileges to the Durazzins and “the estates of the Kingdom of Albania“. However, although the city of Durazzo was treated as a separate entity, this time during the Angevine rule, it completely belonged to the restored Kingdom of Albania. During the time of Philip’s successors, Durazzo was constituted as a separate Duchy of Durazzo and was again separated from the rest of the “Kingdom of Albania“. The rule of the Duke of Durazzo over the “Kingdom of Albania“ was still unstable and dependent upon the loyalty of Albanian nobles. During the 1340s, they recognised Serbian authority, after which the Angevine “Kingdom of Albania“ ceased to exist, but the Duchy of Durazzo held up until 1368, when it was won over by Charles Topia, an Albanian local nobleman. Once again, Durazzo and its Albanian hinterland were united under the rule of the same lord.As early as 1362, the Durazzins came into close contact with the Venetians, and four years later, Charles Topia received the privileges of Venetian citizenship. His son George Topia also had close cooperation with the Venetians. However, after George’s death in 1392, the city and its Albanian hinterland came in possession of the Venetians, and that is how “Venetian Albania“ came into existence, although that term was still unknown. So the only link between original Albania and “Venetian Albania“, except for the name, was the city of Durazzo. “Venetian Albania“ did not spread to the east, to the core of Albania – former Arbanum; on the contrary, it was soon extended to the north, thanks to the lord of Zeta, George II Stratimirović Balšić. Namely, he offered the cities of Scutari and Drivasto to the Venetians. However, the Venetians were not allowed to accept them at once, as they would violate the peace provisions with the Hungarians of 1358 and 1381, which meant that the Hungarian authority would extend through all of Dalmatia, from “Quarnaro to the borders of Durazzo“. Therefore, Scutari and Drivasto were certainly located within that area. Nevertheless, skilled Venetians, wanting to extend the boundaries of “Venetian Albania“ to the north, ordered their captain of Durazzo to find in the old acts whether those cities belonged to Dalmatia or to the “borders of Durazzo“. The captain of Durazzo obviously found some ancient
writings, even from the period of the Byzantine authority about the spread of the theme of Durazzo over those cities in the period from the 9th to the 11th centuries (which is evidenced by the works of Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus, John Scylitzes, Scylitzes Continuatus, Nicephorus Bryennius, Anne Comnene). After the Serbian conquest of these towns in the middle of the 11th century, they made a whole with the old Serbian land of Dioclea (Zeta), but they retained a specificstatus, so we often encounter the phrases “Zeta and the Cities“ or “Dioclea and Dalmatia“, where under Dalmatia the area of Upper Dalmatia was meant. In the 13th century Thomas the Archdeacon defined the entirety of Dalmatia as an area starting from Epirus and Durazzo and extending to the Quarnaro Bay, just like in the treaties of 1358 and 1381. The Venetians thus violated these provisions, but they justified their own actions by calling upon the former affiliation of these cities to the Byzantine theme of Durazzo. A similar dispute over the issue of whom these cities, Scutari in particular, belonged to – Dalmatia or Durazzo, was initiated by Serbian grand župan Stefan Nemanjić in 1214. The Venetians perhaps used the evidence pertaining to that dispute, in addition to finding older documents from the time of Byzantine rule. It was only then that after the spread of the Venetian power over the southern Adriatic cities of Scutari and Drivasto that the name of “Albania“ was first used. Since then, it became a more common name for the Venetian territories in the South Adriatic, and gradually spread to the north, eventually encompassing all of Zeta. The Turkish founding of the Sanjak of Scutari in 1479 had a strong geopolitical foundation in “Venetian Albania“, and as it included Montenegro and Brda, they were considered a part of Albania up until the 19th century. On the other hand, “Venetian Albania“ after the Turkish conquest of Durazzo in 1501 was reduced only to the areas of the cities of Budva and Cattaro, far beyond the borders of the theme of Durazzo, its original core.",
publisher = "Београд : Историјски институт",
journal = "Историјски часопис LXVII",
title = "Настанак „Млетачке Албаније“ и успомена на византијску власт у српском поморју, The Establishment of “Venetian Albania“ and the Memory of Byzantine Rule in the Serbian Littoral",
pages = "55-82",
volume = "67",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10720"
}
Коматина, И.,& Коматина, П.. (2018). Настанак „Млетачке Албаније“ и успомена на византијску власт у српском поморју. in Историјски часопис LXVII
Београд : Историјски институт., 67, 55-82.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10720
Коматина И, Коматина П. Настанак „Млетачке Албаније“ и успомена на византијску власт у српском поморју. in Историјски часопис LXVII. 2018;67:55-82.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10720 .
Коматина, Ивана, Коматина, Предраг, "Настанак „Млетачке Албаније“ и успомена на византијску власт у српском поморју" in Историјски часопис LXVII, 67 (2018):55-82,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10720 .

Савладарство Јована V Палеолога

Павловић, Бојана

(Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ, 2018)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Павловић, Бојана
PY  - 2018
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/6308
AB  - Упркос увреженом мишљењу да Јован V Палеолог за живота Андроника III није био очев савладар, у раду се показује да је наследник Андроника Млађег понео титулу βασιλεύς убрзо по свом рођењу. То би, уосталом, био сасвим логичан потез Андроника III, који је, будући исувише крхког здравља, желео да осигура наслеђе престола свом малолетном потомку. Осим тога, чини се да је пракса царева из дома Палеолога била да своје најстарије синове проглашавају за савладаре у веома раном узрасту зато што је требало осигурати легитимитет новој владарској породици, као и спречити да престо пређе у руке чланова бочне гране династије.
AB  - Despite the overall opinion that John V Palaiologos was not a co-ruler while his father, Andronikos III, was alive, this article tends to show that the successor of Andronikos the Younger was bestowed the title of βασιλεύς shortly after his birth. This would, in fact, be a rather logical act of Andronikos III, who, due to his fragile health, sought to secure the throne for his minor offspring. In addition, it seems that it was a practice of the Palaiologan emperors to proclaim their eldest sons as co-rulers, at a very early age, because of a strong need to ensure the legitimacy to the new ruling family, as well as to prevent the passing of the throne into the hands of the members of the side branch of the family.
PB  - Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ
T2  - Зборник радова Византолошког института
T1  - Савладарство Јована V Палеолога
SP  - 233
EP  - 247
VL  - LV
DO  - 10.2298/ZRVI1855233P
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6308
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Павловић, Бојана",
year = "2018",
abstract = "Упркос увреженом мишљењу да Јован V Палеолог за живота Андроника III није био очев савладар, у раду се показује да је наследник Андроника Млађег понео титулу βασιλεύς убрзо по свом рођењу. То би, уосталом, био сасвим логичан потез Андроника III, који је, будући исувише крхког здравља, желео да осигура наслеђе престола свом малолетном потомку. Осим тога, чини се да је пракса царева из дома Палеолога била да своје најстарије синове проглашавају за савладаре у веома раном узрасту зато што је требало осигурати легитимитет новој владарској породици, као и спречити да престо пређе у руке чланова бочне гране династије., Despite the overall opinion that John V Palaiologos was not a co-ruler while his father, Andronikos III, was alive, this article tends to show that the successor of Andronikos the Younger was bestowed the title of βασιλεύς shortly after his birth. This would, in fact, be a rather logical act of Andronikos III, who, due to his fragile health, sought to secure the throne for his minor offspring. In addition, it seems that it was a practice of the Palaiologan emperors to proclaim their eldest sons as co-rulers, at a very early age, because of a strong need to ensure the legitimacy to the new ruling family, as well as to prevent the passing of the throne into the hands of the members of the side branch of the family.",
publisher = "Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ",
journal = "Зборник радова Византолошког института",
title = "Савладарство Јована V Палеолога",
pages = "233-247",
volume = "LV",
doi = "10.2298/ZRVI1855233P",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6308"
}
Павловић, Б.. (2018). Савладарство Јована V Палеолога. in Зборник радова Византолошког института
Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ., LV, 233-247.
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1855233P
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6308
Павловић Б. Савладарство Јована V Палеолога. in Зборник радова Византолошког института. 2018;LV:233-247.
doi:10.2298/ZRVI1855233P
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6308 .
Павловић, Бојана, "Савладарство Јована V Палеолога" in Зборник радова Византолошког института, LV (2018):233-247,
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1855233P .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6308 .
9

Тhe Settlement of the Mardaites and their Military-Administrative Position in the Themata of the West: a Chronology / Хронологија насељавања Мардаита и њихов војно-управни положај у западним темама

Cvetković, Miloš

(Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ, 2017)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Cvetković, Miloš
PY  - 2017
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/11509
AB  - The paper discusses questions about the chronology of the settlement of Mardaite
soldiers in the Balkans and their military-administrative position in the themata of the West:
Peloponnesus, Cephalonia and Nicopolis. It presents arguments in favor of the hypothesis of
the Mardaite settlement in Peloponnesus as the result of the colonization policy of Nicephorus
I in the early 9th century. This view largely rests on information contained in the Chronicle
of Monemvasia, a source hereto unused in discussions about the Mardaites. The Mardaites
were moved in the territory of the themata of Nicopolis and Cephalonia at the close of the
same century in a bid to reinforce Byzantine positions on the eastern coast of the Ionian Sea
at the time of the Arab threat to this region. Finally, in the concluding passages the author
touches on the military-administrative status of Mardaites in the themata of the West, who
operated in units headed by tourmarchai, comparing them to other ethnic tourmai in the
Byzantine Empire.
PB  - Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ
T2  - Зборник радова Византолошког института 54
T1  - Тhe Settlement of the Mardaites and their Military-Administrative Position in the Themata of the West: a Chronology / Хронологија насељавања Мардаита и њихов војно-управни положај у западним темама
SP  - 65
EP  - 85
VL  - 54
DO  - 10.2298/ZRVI1754065C
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_11509
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Cvetković, Miloš",
year = "2017",
abstract = "The paper discusses questions about the chronology of the settlement of Mardaite
soldiers in the Balkans and their military-administrative position in the themata of the West:
Peloponnesus, Cephalonia and Nicopolis. It presents arguments in favor of the hypothesis of
the Mardaite settlement in Peloponnesus as the result of the colonization policy of Nicephorus
I in the early 9th century. This view largely rests on information contained in the Chronicle
of Monemvasia, a source hereto unused in discussions about the Mardaites. The Mardaites
were moved in the territory of the themata of Nicopolis and Cephalonia at the close of the
same century in a bid to reinforce Byzantine positions on the eastern coast of the Ionian Sea
at the time of the Arab threat to this region. Finally, in the concluding passages the author
touches on the military-administrative status of Mardaites in the themata of the West, who
operated in units headed by tourmarchai, comparing them to other ethnic tourmai in the
Byzantine Empire.",
publisher = "Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ",
journal = "Зборник радова Византолошког института 54",
title = "Тhe Settlement of the Mardaites and their Military-Administrative Position in the Themata of the West: a Chronology / Хронологија насељавања Мардаита и њихов војно-управни положај у западним темама",
pages = "65-85",
volume = "54",
doi = "10.2298/ZRVI1754065C",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_11509"
}
Cvetković, M.. (2017). Тhe Settlement of the Mardaites and their Military-Administrative Position in the Themata of the West: a Chronology / Хронологија насељавања Мардаита и њихов војно-управни положај у западним темама. in Зборник радова Византолошког института 54
Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ., 54, 65-85.
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1754065C
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_11509
Cvetković M. Тhe Settlement of the Mardaites and their Military-Administrative Position in the Themata of the West: a Chronology / Хронологија насељавања Мардаита и њихов војно-управни положај у западним темама. in Зборник радова Византолошког института 54. 2017;54:65-85.
doi:10.2298/ZRVI1754065C
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_11509 .
Cvetković, Miloš, "Тhe Settlement of the Mardaites and their Military-Administrative Position in the Themata of the West: a Chronology / Хронологија насељавања Мардаита и њихов војно-управни положај у западним темама" in Зборник радова Византолошког института 54, 54 (2017):65-85,
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1754065C .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_11509 .

Сермисијани – преци појединих влашких скупина? Прилог проучавању порекла влашких заједница на југу Балканског полуострва

Цветковић, Милош

(Институт за балканистика с Център по тракология Българска академия на науките Издателска къща „Тендрил“, 2017)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Цветковић, Милош
PY  - 2017
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/12181
AB  - Влашке заједнице на југу Балканског полуострва могу се поделити у 
две основне скупине. Једну групу чине Аромуни, расути широм Епира, 
Тесалије, Македоније и Албаније; другу скупину представљају Мегленски 
Власи, који су све до почетка XX столећа живели на малом простору у 
околини Меглена, изоловани од осталих романских (влашких) заједница, 
да би након Првог светског рата знатним делом били расељени у Румунију 
и Турску. Наведена подела Влаха на две скупине заснована је првенствено 
на лингвистичким разликама које постоје између њих.
PB  - Институт за балканистика с Център по тракология Българска академия на науките Издателска къща „Тендрил“
T2  - Studia Balcanica / Средновековните Балкани като световен кръстопът: контакти и обмен / The Medieval Balkans as a global crossroads : encounter and exchange
T1  - Сермисијани – преци појединих влашких скупина?  Прилог проучавању порекла влашких заједница на југу  Балканског полуострва
T1  - The Sermēsianoi – The Ancestors of Some Vlach Groups? A Contribution to the Study of the Origins of Vlach Communites in the South of the Balkan Peninsula
SP  - 33
EP  - 43
VL  - 32
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12181
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Цветковић, Милош",
year = "2017",
abstract = "Влашке заједнице на југу Балканског полуострва могу се поделити у 
две основне скупине. Једну групу чине Аромуни, расути широм Епира, 
Тесалије, Македоније и Албаније; другу скупину представљају Мегленски 
Власи, који су све до почетка XX столећа живели на малом простору у 
околини Меглена, изоловани од осталих романских (влашких) заједница, 
да би након Првог светског рата знатним делом били расељени у Румунију 
и Турску. Наведена подела Влаха на две скупине заснована је првенствено 
на лингвистичким разликама које постоје између њих.",
publisher = "Институт за балканистика с Център по тракология Българска академия на науките Издателска къща „Тендрил“",
journal = "Studia Balcanica / Средновековните Балкани като световен кръстопът: контакти и обмен / The Medieval Balkans as a global crossroads : encounter and exchange",
booktitle = "Сермисијани – преци појединих влашких скупина?  Прилог проучавању порекла влашких заједница на југу  Балканског полуострва, The Sermēsianoi – The Ancestors of Some Vlach Groups? A Contribution to the Study of the Origins of Vlach Communites in the South of the Balkan Peninsula",
pages = "33-43",
volume = "32",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12181"
}
Цветковић, М.. (2017). Сермисијани – преци појединих влашких скупина?  Прилог проучавању порекла влашких заједница на југу  Балканског полуострва. in Studia Balcanica / Средновековните Балкани като световен кръстопът: контакти и обмен / The Medieval Balkans as a global crossroads : encounter and exchange
Институт за балканистика с Център по тракология Българска академия на науките Издателска къща „Тендрил“., 32, 33-43.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12181
Цветковић М. Сермисијани – преци појединих влашких скупина?  Прилог проучавању порекла влашких заједница на југу  Балканског полуострва. in Studia Balcanica / Средновековните Балкани като световен кръстопът: контакти и обмен / The Medieval Balkans as a global crossroads : encounter and exchange. 2017;32:33-43.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12181 .
Цветковић, Милош, "Сермисијани – преци појединих влашких скупина?  Прилог проучавању порекла влашких заједница на југу  Балканског полуострва" in Studia Balcanica / Средновековните Балкани като световен кръстопът: контакти и обмен / The Medieval Balkans as a global crossroads : encounter and exchange, 32 (2017):33-43,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12181 .

Две поствизантијске исправе о хиландарској келији Светих Арханђела у Кареји

Џелебџић, Дејан

(Београд : Српска академија наука и уметности, 2017)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Џелебџић, Дејан
PY  - 2017
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/10494
AB  - У раду се издају две неиздате грчке исправе из Архива
манастира Хиландара које се односе на хиландарску Келију Светих Арханђела
у Кареји. Првом исправом (γράμμα, А), из 1652. године, Велики сабор уступа
Κелију јеромонаху и проигуману кир Димитрију и још двојици монаха на
доживотно коришћење. Друга исправа (ἐσφράγιστον γράμμα, Б), из 1747.
године, истог је типа: њоме Сабор стараца манастира Хиландара Келију на
доживотно коришћење уступа оцу кир Дионисију и још двојици монаха.
AB  - The Archive of the Holy monastery of Chilandar preserves at least five documents
to the cell of the Holy Archangel at Karyes from the 17th and the 18th centuries only
two of which have as yet been published (see note 2). This paper publishes two
more such documents thus shedding further light on the fate of the cell during the
17th and 18th centuries. With the first of these (γράμμα, А) which was issued on 1st
April 1652, the Great Synod of the Holy Mountain grants the cell for life-long use
to hieromonk and pro-hegoumenos kyr Demetrios and two other monks whose
names are not mentioned. The document lists the rights and responsibilities of
both sides, describes the boundary of the territory of the cell (περιοχή) and gives
an inventory of the moveable property which was granted along with control of the
cell (icons, sacral objects and books, crockery and tools). The document is signed
for the representatives of twenty of the Athos monasteries in the hand of the scribe,
as was the usual practice at the time. The second document (ἐσφράγιστον γράμμα,
Б) which was issued on 15th July 1747 i.e. at a time when the cell had already
belonged to Chilandar for 85 years, also concerns a grant of life-long usage of
the cell to Father kyr Dionysios and two other monks. The document defines the
rights and duties of the monastic house and the occupants of the cell. The items
the cell contained at the time of transfer are listed (wine barrels, tools and pots and
pans) as are the items which the monk-purchasers gifted to the cell on the occasion
(sacral objects, liturgical books, pots and pans) and the boundary (σύνορον) of the
territory on which vines and hazelnuts were grown is described. The scribe signed
the document for nine monks of Chilandar.
PB  - Београд : Српска академија наука и уметности
T2  - Хиландарски зборник
T1  - Две поствизантијске исправе о хиландарској келији Светих Арханђела у Кареји
T1  - Two post-Byzantine documents from Chilandar monastery on the cell of the Holy Archangels at Karyes
SP  - 123
EP  - 133
IS  - 14
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10494
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Џелебџић, Дејан",
year = "2017",
abstract = "У раду се издају две неиздате грчке исправе из Архива
манастира Хиландара које се односе на хиландарску Келију Светих Арханђела
у Кареји. Првом исправом (γράμμα, А), из 1652. године, Велики сабор уступа
Κелију јеромонаху и проигуману кир Димитрију и још двојици монаха на
доживотно коришћење. Друга исправа (ἐσφράγιστον γράμμα, Б), из 1747.
године, истог је типа: њоме Сабор стараца манастира Хиландара Келију на
доживотно коришћење уступа оцу кир Дионисију и још двојици монаха., The Archive of the Holy monastery of Chilandar preserves at least five documents
to the cell of the Holy Archangel at Karyes from the 17th and the 18th centuries only
two of which have as yet been published (see note 2). This paper publishes two
more such documents thus shedding further light on the fate of the cell during the
17th and 18th centuries. With the first of these (γράμμα, А) which was issued on 1st
April 1652, the Great Synod of the Holy Mountain grants the cell for life-long use
to hieromonk and pro-hegoumenos kyr Demetrios and two other monks whose
names are not mentioned. The document lists the rights and responsibilities of
both sides, describes the boundary of the territory of the cell (περιοχή) and gives
an inventory of the moveable property which was granted along with control of the
cell (icons, sacral objects and books, crockery and tools). The document is signed
for the representatives of twenty of the Athos monasteries in the hand of the scribe,
as was the usual practice at the time. The second document (ἐσφράγιστον γράμμα,
Б) which was issued on 15th July 1747 i.e. at a time when the cell had already
belonged to Chilandar for 85 years, also concerns a grant of life-long usage of
the cell to Father kyr Dionysios and two other monks. The document defines the
rights and duties of the monastic house and the occupants of the cell. The items
the cell contained at the time of transfer are listed (wine barrels, tools and pots and
pans) as are the items which the monk-purchasers gifted to the cell on the occasion
(sacral objects, liturgical books, pots and pans) and the boundary (σύνορον) of the
territory on which vines and hazelnuts were grown is described. The scribe signed
the document for nine monks of Chilandar.",
publisher = "Београд : Српска академија наука и уметности",
journal = "Хиландарски зборник",
title = "Две поствизантијске исправе о хиландарској келији Светих Арханђела у Кареји, Two post-Byzantine documents from Chilandar monastery on the cell of the Holy Archangels at Karyes",
pages = "123-133",
number = "14",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10494"
}
Џелебџић, Д.. (2017). Две поствизантијске исправе о хиландарској келији Светих Арханђела у Кареји. in Хиландарски зборник
Београд : Српска академија наука и уметности.(14), 123-133.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10494
Џелебџић Д. Две поствизантијске исправе о хиландарској келији Светих Арханђела у Кареји. in Хиландарски зборник. 2017;(14):123-133.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10494 .
Џелебџић, Дејан, "Две поствизантијске исправе о хиландарској келији Светих Арханђела у Кареји" in Хиландарски зборник, no. 14 (2017):123-133,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10494 .

Слика Михаила VIII у делима историчара епохе Палеолога

Николић, Маја; Павловић, Бојана

(Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ, 2017)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Николић, Маја
AU  - Павловић, Бојана
PY  - 2017
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/7135
AB  - У раду се анализира представа оснивача династије Палеолог, Михаила VIII (1259‒1282), у историјским списима насталим за време владавине последње византијске царске породице и после пада Цариграда 1453. године. С тим у вези, предмет анализе су Михаилов долазак на власт и унија цркава у Лиону 1274. године. Први владар дома Палеолог у историографији, а тиме и међу најученијим, елитним круговима престонице и Царства у ширем смислу, остао је упамћен пре свега као узурпатор престола и права свог малолетног претходника, цара Јована IV Ласкариса. Ослепљење сина Теодора II био је догађај који је имао далекосежне последице не само током владавине Михаила VIII већ и његових наследника.
AB  - The present paper tends to examine the image of the founder of the Palaiologan dynasty, Michael VIII (1259‒1282), in the historical works written during the reign of the last Byzantine dynasty and after the Fall of Constantinople in 1453. With the analysis of Michael’s coming to the throne and the union of the churches in Lyons in 1274, it looks as if the first ruler of the Palaiologoi was mostly remembered, in historiography and among the most learned, elite circles of the capital, as a usurper of the throne and rights of his minor predecessor, Emperor John IV Laskaris. The blinding of the son of Theodore II was an event that had far reaching consequences not only during the reign of Michael VIII, but also his consequent heirs
PB  - Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ
T2  - Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ
T1  - Слика Михаила VIII у делима историчара епохе Палеолога
T1  - The image of Michael VIII in the historical works of the Palaiologan period
SP  - 143
EP  - 181
VL  - 54
DO  - 10.2298/ZRVI1754143N
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7135
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Николић, Маја and Павловић, Бојана",
year = "2017",
abstract = "У раду се анализира представа оснивача династије Палеолог, Михаила VIII (1259‒1282), у историјским списима насталим за време владавине последње византијске царске породице и после пада Цариграда 1453. године. С тим у вези, предмет анализе су Михаилов долазак на власт и унија цркава у Лиону 1274. године. Први владар дома Палеолог у историографији, а тиме и међу најученијим, елитним круговима престонице и Царства у ширем смислу, остао је упамћен пре свега као узурпатор престола и права свог малолетног претходника, цара Јована IV Ласкариса. Ослепљење сина Теодора II био је догађај који је имао далекосежне последице не само током владавине Михаила VIII већ и његових наследника., The present paper tends to examine the image of the founder of the Palaiologan dynasty, Michael VIII (1259‒1282), in the historical works written during the reign of the last Byzantine dynasty and after the Fall of Constantinople in 1453. With the analysis of Michael’s coming to the throne and the union of the churches in Lyons in 1274, it looks as if the first ruler of the Palaiologoi was mostly remembered, in historiography and among the most learned, elite circles of the capital, as a usurper of the throne and rights of his minor predecessor, Emperor John IV Laskaris. The blinding of the son of Theodore II was an event that had far reaching consequences not only during the reign of Michael VIII, but also his consequent heirs",
publisher = "Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ",
journal = "Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ",
title = "Слика Михаила VIII у делима историчара епохе Палеолога, The image of Michael VIII in the historical works of the Palaiologan period",
pages = "143-181",
volume = "54",
doi = "10.2298/ZRVI1754143N",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7135"
}
Николић, М.,& Павловић, Б.. (2017). Слика Михаила VIII у делима историчара епохе Палеолога. in Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ
Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ., 54, 143-181.
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1754143N
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7135
Николић М, Павловић Б. Слика Михаила VIII у делима историчара епохе Палеолога. in Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ. 2017;54:143-181.
doi:10.2298/ZRVI1754143N
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7135 .
Николић, Маја, Павловић, Бојана, "Слика Михаила VIII у делима историчара епохе Палеолога" in Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ, 54 (2017):143-181,
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1754143N .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7135 .

Beards that matter. Visual representations of Patriarch Ignatios in Byzantine art

Krsmanović, Bojana; Milanović, Ljubomir

(Београд : Филозофски факултет- Институт за историју уметности, 2017)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Krsmanović, Bojana
AU  - Milanović, Ljubomir
PY  - 2017
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/9219
AB  - The paper discusses twelve visual depictions that in all likelihood represent St. Ignatios of Constantinople and were created between the ninth and the thirteenth century. Most of these depictions show Patriarch Ignatios beardless, which reflects the fact that he was a eunuch of the ἐκτομίας category. The paper analyzes two iconographical elements distinctive of his portraits: beardlessness and youthful appearance. It concludes that, on the one hand, the artists who painted the beardless portraits of Ignatios strove to depict the saint as realistically as possible; while, on the other hand, his beardless and youthful appearance also had a metaphorical
meaning and served to highlight the chastity and purity of the eunuch saint.
PB  - Београд : Филозофски факултет- Институт за историју уметности
T2  - Зограф
T1  - Beards that matter. Visual representations of Patriarch Ignatios in Byzantine art
SP  - 25
EP  - 36
VL  - 41
DO  - 10.2298/ZOG1741025K
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_9219
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Krsmanović, Bojana and Milanović, Ljubomir",
year = "2017",
abstract = "The paper discusses twelve visual depictions that in all likelihood represent St. Ignatios of Constantinople and were created between the ninth and the thirteenth century. Most of these depictions show Patriarch Ignatios beardless, which reflects the fact that he was a eunuch of the ἐκτομίας category. The paper analyzes two iconographical elements distinctive of his portraits: beardlessness and youthful appearance. It concludes that, on the one hand, the artists who painted the beardless portraits of Ignatios strove to depict the saint as realistically as possible; while, on the other hand, his beardless and youthful appearance also had a metaphorical
meaning and served to highlight the chastity and purity of the eunuch saint.",
publisher = "Београд : Филозофски факултет- Институт за историју уметности",
journal = "Зограф",
title = "Beards that matter. Visual representations of Patriarch Ignatios in Byzantine art",
pages = "25-36",
volume = "41",
doi = "10.2298/ZOG1741025K",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_9219"
}
Krsmanović, B.,& Milanović, L.. (2017). Beards that matter. Visual representations of Patriarch Ignatios in Byzantine art. in Зограф
Београд : Филозофски факултет- Институт за историју уметности., 41, 25-36.
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZOG1741025K
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_9219
Krsmanović B, Milanović L. Beards that matter. Visual representations of Patriarch Ignatios in Byzantine art. in Зограф. 2017;41:25-36.
doi:10.2298/ZOG1741025K
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_9219 .
Krsmanović, Bojana, Milanović, Ljubomir, "Beards that matter. Visual representations of Patriarch Ignatios in Byzantine art" in Зограф, 41 (2017):25-36,
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZOG1741025K .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_9219 .
9