Medieval Serbian lands (XIII-XV century): political, economic, social and legal processes

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Medieval Serbian lands (XIII-XV century): political, economic, social and legal processes (en)
Средњовековне српске земље (XIII-XV век): политички, привредни, друштвени и правни процеси (sr)
Srednjovekovne srpske zemlje (XIII-XV vek): politički, privredni, društveni i pravni procesi (sr_RS)
Authors

Publications

Позносредњовековни култови светих на територији централног Балкана

Васиљевић, Марија М.

(Универзитет у Београду, Филозофски факултет, 2019)

TY  - THES
AU  - Васиљевић, Марија М.
PY  - 2019
UR  - http://eteze.bg.ac.rs/application/showtheses?thesesId=6736
UR  - https://fedorabg.bg.ac.rs/fedora/get/o:19582/bdef:Content/download
UR  - http://vbs.rs/scripts/cobiss?command=DISPLAY&base=70036&RID=530419095
UR  - http://nardus.mpn.gov.rs/123456789/11053
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/6608
AB  - Култови светих односно слављење њихових успомена представља једну од најважнијих појава хришћанства јер верницима омогућава стални додир са облашћу светог. Па ипак, пошто сваки свети живи у једном историјском тренутку и на одређеном простору, сећање на његов узоран и примеран живот обухвата безвремене идеале, савремене светоназоре и услове културног, друштвеног и политичког живота. За узврат, та слика о светом даје смисао разноликим животним реалностима. Када се истражују култови светих у периодима обележеним политичким и другим преображајима, попут оног на Балкану од последње деценије XIV века до прве трећине XVI века, веза са друштвеном стварношћу је још снажнија.На темељу те „друштвене логике“ прослављања светих обликован је особен приступ у овој дисертацији. На првом месту, стварање сваког култа је изучавано као процес који је мање или више био условљен савременим збивањима. Стога је у првом плану анализа тога како се актуелни догађаји и друштвене околности одсликавају у процесу настанка али и у садржају култа, да би уследило тумачење функција прослављања новог светитеља.Званично установљен култ у цркви назван је литургијским сећањем. Оно је примарни фокус истраживања и укључује најразнородније изворе: од материјалних и ликовних споменика, записа на богослужбеним књигама, до дела која су била саставни део литургије: служби, житија, параклиса и др. Једном уобличено „канонско“ сећање могло је бити преобликовано, те су разлози за разна прилагођавања тражени у измењеним потребама заједнице која је прослављала светог.На темељима литургијског одржавала су се и друга, за цркву мање везана, сећања на свете. Ту је контекст у којем их треба сагледати нешто сложенији, јер предуслове чинова присећања представљају како савремена збивања тако илитургијска меморија. Према стању сачуваних извора могу се издвојити феудална и историографска сећања на свете. Феудално сећање представља средњовековни облик породичне комеморације са политичком функцијом која је забележена у повељама, здањима попут загробних цркава и ликовним представама. Када су свети били део феудалних династија тада је породично сећање, захваљујући преплитању са литургијским, добијало снажне темеље и основ за дуготрајно одржавање.Историографско сећање је сачувано захваљујући растућој потреби за памћењем прошлих догађаја која је у овом периоду водила настанку неколицине историографских врста. Због особеног развоја средњовековне српске државе, у којој су владари неретко постајали светитељи, сећање на њих као и на друге свете чланове династије имало је значајно место у новим текстовима. Историографску меморију издваја то што је најмање везана за црквене оквире те некад доноси податке о штовању личности које није било подстицано од стране црквеног врха. На крају, нема сумње да је још доста видова сећања постојало али, попут усменог, нису оставили трага.Таквим приступом се истиче да је одржавање успомене на светог било сложена појава унутар које се може издвојити онолико врста сећања колико је постојало замишљених заједница: од црквене, преко породичне, градске и других. Наравно, најважније место има култ, односно литургијско сећање, али не треба заборавити да су садржаји и функције комеморација могли бити различити у зависности од њихових околности. Та полифонија представља једну од одлика светитељске меморије која је често пренебрегнута али врло корисна за разумевање друштава у којем је постојала.Поред тог начелног доприноса, циљ је био донети приказ појединачних култова и њиховог развоја. Додатно, та анализа је основ за доношење закључака о томе које су личности и у којим условима стицале светитељски статус и који је тип светости обележио епоху. Тако ће једна вишеслојна појава, каква су култови светих, бити приказана у, историчару својственом, временском и просторном контексту.
AB  - The cult of saints or the celebration of saints' memories represent one of the most important phenomena in Christianity because with them believers encounter the realm of the holy. Yet, since every saint lives in a particular moment and in a certain space, the memory of his exemplary and ideal life encompasses universal and timeless ideals, contemporary worldviews and the conditions of cultural, social and political life. In return, this representation of the saint gives meaning to the diverse realities of life. When researching cults in periods marked by political and other transformations, such as those in the Balkans from the last decade of the 14th century to the first third of the 16th century, the connection to social reality is even more meaningful.Based on this social logic of the celebration of saints, this dissertation applies a special approach to their study. In the first place, the creation of each cult is examined as a process more or less shaped by modern events. Therefore, the first objective is to analyse how the realities of life are reflected in this process and in the content of the cult, followed by an interpretation of the functions of the celebration of the new saint in the community.The officially established cult of the saint in the church is called liturgical memory. It is the primary focus of the research and includes the highly diverse sources: from material and artistic representations and records on the liturgical books, to the literary works that were integral part of the liturgy: various forms of services, hagiographies etc. Once established this "canonical" memory could be transformed, and the reasons for the modifications were sought in the changing needs of the community that nourished the cult.Liturgical commemoration also served as the basis for maintaining other memories of the saints, less connected to the church. The context in which they need to be looked at is somewhat more complex because the prerequisites of commemorative acts are contemporary events and already formed liturgical memory. The state of preserved sources allows only for the feudal and historiographical memories of the saints to be singled out. Feudal memory is a medieval form of family commemoration with a politicalfunction; it is recorded in charters, mausoleums and various forms of artistic representations. When the saints were members of feudal dynasties family memories became interwoven with liturgical, thus receiving strong foundations and basis for long-term maintenance.Historiographical memory was preserved thanks to the growing need to remember past events that led to the emergence of several historiographical genres. Due to the specific development of the medieval Serbian state, in which rulers often became saints, remembering them as well as other members of the holy dynasty had a significant place in the new texts. Historiographical memory is distinct because it is least related to the church, hence it sometimes gives information about cults that were not encouraged by church authorities. Nonetheless, there is no doubt that there existed many more saints’ memories, but, like oral memories, they have not left traces.Such an approach to research emphasises that keeping the memory of the saint was a complex phenomenon within which there can be as many kinds of memories as there were imagined communities: from the church to the family, the town and others. Of course, the most important place is occupied by the cult or liturgical memory, but it should be remembered that the contents and functions of commemorations could be different depending on the circumstances. This polyphony is one of the hallmarks of the memory of saints that is often overlooked but very useful for understanding the societies in which it existed.In addition to this principal contribution, the aim of the research was to present individual cults and their development. Furthermore, this analysis will be the basis for drawing conclusions about which individuals acquired the status of saint and under which conditions. Also, the intention was to try to find the type of sanctity that marked the epoch. Thus, a multifaceted phenomenon, such as the cults of the saints, will be shown in its historically specific temporal and spatial context.
PB  - Универзитет у Београду, Филозофски факултет
T2  - Универзитет у Београду
T1  - Позносредњовековни култови светих на територији централног Балкана
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6608
ER  - 
@phdthesis{
author = "Васиљевић, Марија М.",
year = "2019",
abstract = "Култови светих односно слављење њихових успомена представља једну од најважнијих појава хришћанства јер верницима омогућава стални додир са облашћу светог. Па ипак, пошто сваки свети живи у једном историјском тренутку и на одређеном простору, сећање на његов узоран и примеран живот обухвата безвремене идеале, савремене светоназоре и услове културног, друштвеног и политичког живота. За узврат, та слика о светом даје смисао разноликим животним реалностима. Када се истражују култови светих у периодима обележеним политичким и другим преображајима, попут оног на Балкану од последње деценије XIV века до прве трећине XVI века, веза са друштвеном стварношћу је још снажнија.На темељу те „друштвене логике“ прослављања светих обликован је особен приступ у овој дисертацији. На првом месту, стварање сваког култа је изучавано као процес који је мање или више био условљен савременим збивањима. Стога је у првом плану анализа тога како се актуелни догађаји и друштвене околности одсликавају у процесу настанка али и у садржају култа, да би уследило тумачење функција прослављања новог светитеља.Званично установљен култ у цркви назван је литургијским сећањем. Оно је примарни фокус истраживања и укључује најразнородније изворе: од материјалних и ликовних споменика, записа на богослужбеним књигама, до дела која су била саставни део литургије: служби, житија, параклиса и др. Једном уобличено „канонско“ сећање могло је бити преобликовано, те су разлози за разна прилагођавања тражени у измењеним потребама заједнице која је прослављала светог.На темељима литургијског одржавала су се и друга, за цркву мање везана, сећања на свете. Ту је контекст у којем их треба сагледати нешто сложенији, јер предуслове чинова присећања представљају како савремена збивања тако илитургијска меморија. Према стању сачуваних извора могу се издвојити феудална и историографска сећања на свете. Феудално сећање представља средњовековни облик породичне комеморације са политичком функцијом која је забележена у повељама, здањима попут загробних цркава и ликовним представама. Када су свети били део феудалних династија тада је породично сећање, захваљујући преплитању са литургијским, добијало снажне темеље и основ за дуготрајно одржавање.Историографско сећање је сачувано захваљујући растућој потреби за памћењем прошлих догађаја која је у овом периоду водила настанку неколицине историографских врста. Због особеног развоја средњовековне српске државе, у којој су владари неретко постајали светитељи, сећање на њих као и на друге свете чланове династије имало је значајно место у новим текстовима. Историографску меморију издваја то што је најмање везана за црквене оквире те некад доноси податке о штовању личности које није било подстицано од стране црквеног врха. На крају, нема сумње да је још доста видова сећања постојало али, попут усменог, нису оставили трага.Таквим приступом се истиче да је одржавање успомене на светог било сложена појава унутар које се може издвојити онолико врста сећања колико је постојало замишљених заједница: од црквене, преко породичне, градске и других. Наравно, најважније место има култ, односно литургијско сећање, али не треба заборавити да су садржаји и функције комеморација могли бити различити у зависности од њихових околности. Та полифонија представља једну од одлика светитељске меморије која је често пренебрегнута али врло корисна за разумевање друштава у којем је постојала.Поред тог начелног доприноса, циљ је био донети приказ појединачних култова и њиховог развоја. Додатно, та анализа је основ за доношење закључака о томе које су личности и у којим условима стицале светитељски статус и који је тип светости обележио епоху. Тако ће једна вишеслојна појава, каква су култови светих, бити приказана у, историчару својственом, временском и просторном контексту., The cult of saints or the celebration of saints' memories represent one of the most important phenomena in Christianity because with them believers encounter the realm of the holy. Yet, since every saint lives in a particular moment and in a certain space, the memory of his exemplary and ideal life encompasses universal and timeless ideals, contemporary worldviews and the conditions of cultural, social and political life. In return, this representation of the saint gives meaning to the diverse realities of life. When researching cults in periods marked by political and other transformations, such as those in the Balkans from the last decade of the 14th century to the first third of the 16th century, the connection to social reality is even more meaningful.Based on this social logic of the celebration of saints, this dissertation applies a special approach to their study. In the first place, the creation of each cult is examined as a process more or less shaped by modern events. Therefore, the first objective is to analyse how the realities of life are reflected in this process and in the content of the cult, followed by an interpretation of the functions of the celebration of the new saint in the community.The officially established cult of the saint in the church is called liturgical memory. It is the primary focus of the research and includes the highly diverse sources: from material and artistic representations and records on the liturgical books, to the literary works that were integral part of the liturgy: various forms of services, hagiographies etc. Once established this "canonical" memory could be transformed, and the reasons for the modifications were sought in the changing needs of the community that nourished the cult.Liturgical commemoration also served as the basis for maintaining other memories of the saints, less connected to the church. The context in which they need to be looked at is somewhat more complex because the prerequisites of commemorative acts are contemporary events and already formed liturgical memory. The state of preserved sources allows only for the feudal and historiographical memories of the saints to be singled out. Feudal memory is a medieval form of family commemoration with a politicalfunction; it is recorded in charters, mausoleums and various forms of artistic representations. When the saints were members of feudal dynasties family memories became interwoven with liturgical, thus receiving strong foundations and basis for long-term maintenance.Historiographical memory was preserved thanks to the growing need to remember past events that led to the emergence of several historiographical genres. Due to the specific development of the medieval Serbian state, in which rulers often became saints, remembering them as well as other members of the holy dynasty had a significant place in the new texts. Historiographical memory is distinct because it is least related to the church, hence it sometimes gives information about cults that were not encouraged by church authorities. Nonetheless, there is no doubt that there existed many more saints’ memories, but, like oral memories, they have not left traces.Such an approach to research emphasises that keeping the memory of the saint was a complex phenomenon within which there can be as many kinds of memories as there were imagined communities: from the church to the family, the town and others. Of course, the most important place is occupied by the cult or liturgical memory, but it should be remembered that the contents and functions of commemorations could be different depending on the circumstances. This polyphony is one of the hallmarks of the memory of saints that is often overlooked but very useful for understanding the societies in which it existed.In addition to this principal contribution, the aim of the research was to present individual cults and their development. Furthermore, this analysis will be the basis for drawing conclusions about which individuals acquired the status of saint and under which conditions. Also, the intention was to try to find the type of sanctity that marked the epoch. Thus, a multifaceted phenomenon, such as the cults of the saints, will be shown in its historically specific temporal and spatial context.",
publisher = "Универзитет у Београду, Филозофски факултет",
journal = "Универзитет у Београду",
title = "Позносредњовековни култови светих на територији централног Балкана",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6608"
}
Васиљевић, М. М.. (2019). Позносредњовековни култови светих на територији централног Балкана. in Универзитет у Београду
Универзитет у Београду, Филозофски факултет..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6608
Васиљевић ММ. Позносредњовековни култови светих на територији централног Балкана. in Универзитет у Београду. 2019;.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6608 .
Васиљевић, Марија М., "Позносредњовековни култови светих на територији централног Балкана" in Универзитет у Београду (2019),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6608 .

Базилиск (змија-петао) и његова симболика у општем и јужнословенском контексту

Башић, Ивана; Узелац, Александар

(Београд : Етнографски институт САНУ / Belgrade : Institute of Ethnography SASA, 2018)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Башић, Ивана
AU  - Узелац, Александар
PY  - 2018
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/7605
AB  - У раду се разматра генеза представа и симболизам једне од најупечатљивијих фигура
имагинираног средњовековног бестијаријума – базилиск, и њему сродних митских
животиња – змије-петла, змијског цара, абраксаса, у општем и јужнословенском
контексту. Анализа писаних извора, од антике, преко средњовековне до ране модерне
епохе, потом народних предања, као и ликовних представа, показује да су базилиск и
њему сродна бића, настала спајањем елемената змије/змаја и петла/птице, иако у сржи
амбивалентни, првобитно имали суштински позитивну симболику и представљали
покретачку силу и активност, надвладавање супротности и успостављање
целовитости, те сложеност људске природе и космичку синтезу.
AB  - The paper deals with the genesis of the image and the symbolism of one of the most striking
figures in the imagined medieval bestiary - basilisk, and its related mythical animals -
cockatrice, serpent's king, abraxas, both in the general and South Slavic context. An analysis
of written sources, from antiquity to medieval and early modern epoch, the folk tradition, as
well as artistic representations, show that basilisk and its related forms, emerged through
joining the elements of the snake / dragon and the cock / bird. Although essentially
ambivalent, they had essentially positive symbolism by representing the driving force and
activity, the overcoming of opposites, the establishment of integrity, and the complexity of
human nature and cosmic synthesis.
PB  - Београд : Етнографски институт САНУ / Belgrade : Institute of Ethnography SASA
T2  - Гласник Етнографског института САНУ / Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnography SASA
T1  - Базилиск (змија-петао) и његова симболика у општем и јужнословенском контексту
T1  - Basilisk (Cockatrice) and its Symbolism in the General and South Slavic Context
SP  - 155
EP  - 176
VL  - 66
IS  - 1
DO  - 10.2298/GEI1801155B
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7605
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Башић, Ивана and Узелац, Александар",
year = "2018",
abstract = "У раду се разматра генеза представа и симболизам једне од најупечатљивијих фигура
имагинираног средњовековног бестијаријума – базилиск, и њему сродних митских
животиња – змије-петла, змијског цара, абраксаса, у општем и јужнословенском
контексту. Анализа писаних извора, од антике, преко средњовековне до ране модерне
епохе, потом народних предања, као и ликовних представа, показује да су базилиск и
њему сродна бића, настала спајањем елемената змије/змаја и петла/птице, иако у сржи
амбивалентни, првобитно имали суштински позитивну симболику и представљали
покретачку силу и активност, надвладавање супротности и успостављање
целовитости, те сложеност људске природе и космичку синтезу., The paper deals with the genesis of the image and the symbolism of one of the most striking
figures in the imagined medieval bestiary - basilisk, and its related mythical animals -
cockatrice, serpent's king, abraxas, both in the general and South Slavic context. An analysis
of written sources, from antiquity to medieval and early modern epoch, the folk tradition, as
well as artistic representations, show that basilisk and its related forms, emerged through
joining the elements of the snake / dragon and the cock / bird. Although essentially
ambivalent, they had essentially positive symbolism by representing the driving force and
activity, the overcoming of opposites, the establishment of integrity, and the complexity of
human nature and cosmic synthesis.",
publisher = "Београд : Етнографски институт САНУ / Belgrade : Institute of Ethnography SASA",
journal = "Гласник Етнографског института САНУ / Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnography SASA",
title = "Базилиск (змија-петао) и његова симболика у општем и јужнословенском контексту, Basilisk (Cockatrice) and its Symbolism in the General and South Slavic Context",
pages = "155-176",
volume = "66",
number = "1",
doi = "10.2298/GEI1801155B",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7605"
}
Башић, И.,& Узелац, А.. (2018). Базилиск (змија-петао) и његова симболика у општем и јужнословенском контексту. in Гласник Етнографског института САНУ / Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnography SASA
Београд : Етнографски институт САНУ / Belgrade : Institute of Ethnography SASA., 66(1), 155-176.
https://doi.org/10.2298/GEI1801155B
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7605
Башић И, Узелац А. Базилиск (змија-петао) и његова симболика у општем и јужнословенском контексту. in Гласник Етнографског института САНУ / Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnography SASA. 2018;66(1):155-176.
doi:10.2298/GEI1801155B
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7605 .
Башић, Ивана, Узелац, Александар, "Базилиск (змија-петао) и његова симболика у општем и јужнословенском контексту" in Гласник Етнографског института САНУ / Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnography SASA, 66, no. 1 (2018):155-176,
https://doi.org/10.2298/GEI1801155B .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7605 .

Византијски и угарски Срем од X до XIII века

Коматина, Предраг; Коматина, Ивана

(Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ, 2018)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Коматина, Предраг
AU  - Коматина, Ивана
PY  - 2018
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/7142
AB  - Одавно је познато да је у средњем веку назив „Срем“ означавао не само међуречје Саве и Дунава, него и територију на десној обали Саве, данашњу Мачву, која се у изворима назива „Онострани Срем“ (Sirmia Ulterior). У раду се анализирају подаци о историји Срема од X до XIII века не би ли се утврдило када и у каквим околностима се име Срема проширило на десну обалу Саве.
AB  - It has been long known that the name “Syrmia” in the Middle Ages meant not only the area between the rivers Sava and Danube, but also the territory on the right bank of the Sava, today’s Mačva, which was called in the sources “Further Syrmia” (Sirmia Ulterior). In this article we analyze the data concerning the history of Syrmia in the 10th–13th centuries in order to determine when and in what circumstances the name of Syrmia came to denote the right bank of the Sava.
PB  - Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ
T2  - Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ
T1  - Византијски и угарски Срем од X до XIII века
T1  - The Byzantine and Hungarian Syrmia in the 10th–13th centuries
SP  - 141
EP  - 164
VL  - 55
DO  - 10.2298/ZRVI1855141K
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7142
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Коматина, Предраг and Коматина, Ивана",
year = "2018",
abstract = "Одавно је познато да је у средњем веку назив „Срем“ означавао не само међуречје Саве и Дунава, него и територију на десној обали Саве, данашњу Мачву, која се у изворима назива „Онострани Срем“ (Sirmia Ulterior). У раду се анализирају подаци о историји Срема од X до XIII века не би ли се утврдило када и у каквим околностима се име Срема проширило на десну обалу Саве., It has been long known that the name “Syrmia” in the Middle Ages meant not only the area between the rivers Sava and Danube, but also the territory on the right bank of the Sava, today’s Mačva, which was called in the sources “Further Syrmia” (Sirmia Ulterior). In this article we analyze the data concerning the history of Syrmia in the 10th–13th centuries in order to determine when and in what circumstances the name of Syrmia came to denote the right bank of the Sava.",
publisher = "Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ",
journal = "Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ",
title = "Византијски и угарски Срем од X до XIII века, The Byzantine and Hungarian Syrmia in the 10th–13th centuries",
pages = "141-164",
volume = "55",
doi = "10.2298/ZRVI1855141K",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7142"
}
Коматина, П.,& Коматина, И.. (2018). Византијски и угарски Срем од X до XIII века. in Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ
Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ., 55, 141-164.
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1855141K
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7142
Коматина П, Коматина И. Византијски и угарски Срем од X до XIII века. in Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ. 2018;55:141-164.
doi:10.2298/ZRVI1855141K
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7142 .
Коматина, Предраг, Коматина, Ивана, "Византијски и угарски Срем од X до XIII века" in Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ, 55 (2018):141-164,
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1855141K .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7142 .

Настанак „Млетачке Албаније“ и успомена на византијску власт у српском поморју

Коматина, Ивана; Коматина, Предраг

(Београд : Историјски институт, 2018)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Коматина, Ивана
AU  - Коматина, Предраг
PY  - 2018
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/10720
AB  - У раду се истражују историјске и политичке околности које су као резултат имале настанак „Млетачке Албаније“. Такође, посебна пажња је посвећена проматрању односа између Албаније у географском, политичком и историјском погледу и новоосноване „Млетачке Албаније“, тј. проналази се историјска нит која је Млечанима била упориште за коришћење назива Албанија на простору српског Поморја од Скадра до Котора.
AB  - The paper deals with the facts that led to the creation of “Venetian Albania“. Namely, “Venetian Albania“ (Albania Veneta) was a historical and geographical entity that emerged after the Venetian takeover of Durazzo from its Albanian master George Topia in 1392, and survived until the peace of Campoformio and the annexation of Venice and the remaining Venetian lands in the Adriatic to Austria in 1797. Although its origin was related to the Venetian occupation of Durazzo, its territory lay primarily, and after the fall of Durazzo, under the Ottomans in 1501, in the area of the medieval Serbian Littoral, from Cattaro to Scutari, which before the spread of “Venetian Albania“ was never
considered to be “Albania“.
However, it is first necessary to explain the geographical, historical and political relationship between original Albania and newly established “Venetian Albania“. Albania, that is, the Arbanum region – a wider area around the town of Kruje, was initially part of the theme of Durazzo of the Byzantine Empire. After the fall of Constantinople into the hands of Crusaders in 1204, Durazzo fell into the hands of the Venetians, but in the region of Arbanum, we encounter the first testimonies of the Principatus Arbanensis (“Principality of Arbanum“) as a political entity. In the following period, Arbanum and Durazzo changed supreme authority several times, firstly Epirote, then Bulgarian, and at the end, the struggle for the control of these territories was fought between the Despotate of Epirus and the Empire of Nicaea. Sicilian King Manfred of Hoenstaufen also participated in these events. After Manfred’s death, Charles of Anjou became a pretender to Manfred’s inheritance. In order to achieve his goal, in Viterbo in 1267 he made an alliance with Latin emperor Baldwin who acknowledged his rights over Manfred’s inheritance in Epirus, as well as in the “kingdom of Albania“ (regnum Albaniae), which was the first mention of that term. Based on these provisions, by 1272 Charles had already under his rule Durazzo and Albania. He appointed his captain for the Kingdom of Albania, to whom he subsequently entrusted the administration of Durazzo, which was not considered part of the Kingdom of Albania. The Kingdom ofAlbania temporarily disappeared in 1284. After the change of the Byzantine and Serbian authorities over Durazzo and the Albanian hinterland, the Angevine pretensions were revived with Philip of Taranto and in 1304 he issued a series of privileges to the Durazzins and “the estates of the Kingdom of Albania“. However, although the city of Durazzo was treated as a separate entity, this time during the Angevine rule, it completely belonged to the restored Kingdom of Albania. During the time of Philip’s successors, Durazzo was constituted as a separate Duchy of Durazzo and was again separated from the rest of the “Kingdom of Albania“. The rule of the Duke of Durazzo over the “Kingdom of Albania“ was still unstable and dependent upon the loyalty of Albanian nobles. During the 1340s, they recognised Serbian authority, after which the Angevine “Kingdom of Albania“ ceased to exist, but the Duchy of Durazzo held up until 1368, when it was won over by Charles Topia, an Albanian local nobleman. Once again, Durazzo and its Albanian hinterland were united under the rule of the same lord.As early as 1362, the Durazzins came into close contact with the Venetians, and four years later, Charles Topia received the privileges of Venetian citizenship. His son George Topia also had close cooperation with the Venetians. However, after George’s death in 1392, the city and its Albanian hinterland came in possession of the Venetians, and that is how “Venetian Albania“ came into existence, although that term was still unknown. So the only link between original Albania and “Venetian Albania“, except for the name, was the city of Durazzo. “Venetian Albania“ did not spread to the east, to the core of Albania – former Arbanum; on the contrary, it was soon extended to the north, thanks to the lord of Zeta, George II Stratimirović Balšić. Namely, he offered the cities of Scutari and Drivasto to the Venetians. However, the Venetians were not allowed to accept them at once, as they would violate the peace provisions with the Hungarians of 1358 and 1381, which meant that the Hungarian authority would extend through all of Dalmatia, from “Quarnaro to the borders of Durazzo“. Therefore, Scutari and Drivasto were certainly located within that area. Nevertheless, skilled Venetians, wanting to extend the boundaries of “Venetian Albania“ to the north, ordered their captain of Durazzo to find in the old acts whether those cities belonged to Dalmatia or to the “borders of Durazzo“. The captain of Durazzo obviously found some ancient
writings, even from the period of the Byzantine authority about the spread of the theme of Durazzo over those cities in the period from the 9th to the 11th centuries (which is evidenced by the works of Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus, John Scylitzes, Scylitzes Continuatus, Nicephorus Bryennius, Anne Comnene). After the Serbian conquest of these towns in the middle of the 11th century, they made a whole with the old Serbian land of Dioclea (Zeta), but they retained a specificstatus, so we often encounter the phrases “Zeta and the Cities“ or “Dioclea and Dalmatia“, where under Dalmatia the area of Upper Dalmatia was meant. In the 13th century Thomas the Archdeacon defined the entirety of Dalmatia as an area starting from Epirus and Durazzo and extending to the Quarnaro Bay, just like in the treaties of 1358 and 1381. The Venetians thus violated these provisions, but they justified their own actions by calling upon the former affiliation of these cities to the Byzantine theme of Durazzo. A similar dispute over the issue of whom these cities, Scutari in particular, belonged to – Dalmatia or Durazzo, was initiated by Serbian grand župan Stefan Nemanjić in 1214. The Venetians perhaps used the evidence pertaining to that dispute, in addition to finding older documents from the time of Byzantine rule. It was only then that after the spread of the Venetian power over the southern Adriatic cities of Scutari and Drivasto that the name of “Albania“ was first used. Since then, it became a more common name for the Venetian territories in the South Adriatic, and gradually spread to the north, eventually encompassing all of Zeta. The Turkish founding of the Sanjak of Scutari in 1479 had a strong geopolitical foundation in “Venetian Albania“, and as it included Montenegro and Brda, they were considered a part of Albania up until the 19th century. On the other hand, “Venetian Albania“ after the Turkish conquest of Durazzo in 1501 was reduced only to the areas of the cities of Budva and Cattaro, far beyond the borders of the theme of Durazzo, its original core.
PB  - Београд : Историјски институт
T2  - Историјски часопис LXVII
T1  - Настанак „Млетачке Албаније“ и успомена на византијску власт у српском поморју
T1  - The Establishment of “Venetian Albania“ and the Memory of Byzantine Rule in the Serbian Littoral
SP  - 55
EP  - 82
VL  - 67
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10720
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Коматина, Ивана and Коматина, Предраг",
year = "2018",
abstract = "У раду се истражују историјске и политичке околности које су као резултат имале настанак „Млетачке Албаније“. Такође, посебна пажња је посвећена проматрању односа између Албаније у географском, политичком и историјском погледу и новоосноване „Млетачке Албаније“, тј. проналази се историјска нит која је Млечанима била упориште за коришћење назива Албанија на простору српског Поморја од Скадра до Котора., The paper deals with the facts that led to the creation of “Venetian Albania“. Namely, “Venetian Albania“ (Albania Veneta) was a historical and geographical entity that emerged after the Venetian takeover of Durazzo from its Albanian master George Topia in 1392, and survived until the peace of Campoformio and the annexation of Venice and the remaining Venetian lands in the Adriatic to Austria in 1797. Although its origin was related to the Venetian occupation of Durazzo, its territory lay primarily, and after the fall of Durazzo, under the Ottomans in 1501, in the area of the medieval Serbian Littoral, from Cattaro to Scutari, which before the spread of “Venetian Albania“ was never
considered to be “Albania“.
However, it is first necessary to explain the geographical, historical and political relationship between original Albania and newly established “Venetian Albania“. Albania, that is, the Arbanum region – a wider area around the town of Kruje, was initially part of the theme of Durazzo of the Byzantine Empire. After the fall of Constantinople into the hands of Crusaders in 1204, Durazzo fell into the hands of the Venetians, but in the region of Arbanum, we encounter the first testimonies of the Principatus Arbanensis (“Principality of Arbanum“) as a political entity. In the following period, Arbanum and Durazzo changed supreme authority several times, firstly Epirote, then Bulgarian, and at the end, the struggle for the control of these territories was fought between the Despotate of Epirus and the Empire of Nicaea. Sicilian King Manfred of Hoenstaufen also participated in these events. After Manfred’s death, Charles of Anjou became a pretender to Manfred’s inheritance. In order to achieve his goal, in Viterbo in 1267 he made an alliance with Latin emperor Baldwin who acknowledged his rights over Manfred’s inheritance in Epirus, as well as in the “kingdom of Albania“ (regnum Albaniae), which was the first mention of that term. Based on these provisions, by 1272 Charles had already under his rule Durazzo and Albania. He appointed his captain for the Kingdom of Albania, to whom he subsequently entrusted the administration of Durazzo, which was not considered part of the Kingdom of Albania. The Kingdom ofAlbania temporarily disappeared in 1284. After the change of the Byzantine and Serbian authorities over Durazzo and the Albanian hinterland, the Angevine pretensions were revived with Philip of Taranto and in 1304 he issued a series of privileges to the Durazzins and “the estates of the Kingdom of Albania“. However, although the city of Durazzo was treated as a separate entity, this time during the Angevine rule, it completely belonged to the restored Kingdom of Albania. During the time of Philip’s successors, Durazzo was constituted as a separate Duchy of Durazzo and was again separated from the rest of the “Kingdom of Albania“. The rule of the Duke of Durazzo over the “Kingdom of Albania“ was still unstable and dependent upon the loyalty of Albanian nobles. During the 1340s, they recognised Serbian authority, after which the Angevine “Kingdom of Albania“ ceased to exist, but the Duchy of Durazzo held up until 1368, when it was won over by Charles Topia, an Albanian local nobleman. Once again, Durazzo and its Albanian hinterland were united under the rule of the same lord.As early as 1362, the Durazzins came into close contact with the Venetians, and four years later, Charles Topia received the privileges of Venetian citizenship. His son George Topia also had close cooperation with the Venetians. However, after George’s death in 1392, the city and its Albanian hinterland came in possession of the Venetians, and that is how “Venetian Albania“ came into existence, although that term was still unknown. So the only link between original Albania and “Venetian Albania“, except for the name, was the city of Durazzo. “Venetian Albania“ did not spread to the east, to the core of Albania – former Arbanum; on the contrary, it was soon extended to the north, thanks to the lord of Zeta, George II Stratimirović Balšić. Namely, he offered the cities of Scutari and Drivasto to the Venetians. However, the Venetians were not allowed to accept them at once, as they would violate the peace provisions with the Hungarians of 1358 and 1381, which meant that the Hungarian authority would extend through all of Dalmatia, from “Quarnaro to the borders of Durazzo“. Therefore, Scutari and Drivasto were certainly located within that area. Nevertheless, skilled Venetians, wanting to extend the boundaries of “Venetian Albania“ to the north, ordered their captain of Durazzo to find in the old acts whether those cities belonged to Dalmatia or to the “borders of Durazzo“. The captain of Durazzo obviously found some ancient
writings, even from the period of the Byzantine authority about the spread of the theme of Durazzo over those cities in the period from the 9th to the 11th centuries (which is evidenced by the works of Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus, John Scylitzes, Scylitzes Continuatus, Nicephorus Bryennius, Anne Comnene). After the Serbian conquest of these towns in the middle of the 11th century, they made a whole with the old Serbian land of Dioclea (Zeta), but they retained a specificstatus, so we often encounter the phrases “Zeta and the Cities“ or “Dioclea and Dalmatia“, where under Dalmatia the area of Upper Dalmatia was meant. In the 13th century Thomas the Archdeacon defined the entirety of Dalmatia as an area starting from Epirus and Durazzo and extending to the Quarnaro Bay, just like in the treaties of 1358 and 1381. The Venetians thus violated these provisions, but they justified their own actions by calling upon the former affiliation of these cities to the Byzantine theme of Durazzo. A similar dispute over the issue of whom these cities, Scutari in particular, belonged to – Dalmatia or Durazzo, was initiated by Serbian grand župan Stefan Nemanjić in 1214. The Venetians perhaps used the evidence pertaining to that dispute, in addition to finding older documents from the time of Byzantine rule. It was only then that after the spread of the Venetian power over the southern Adriatic cities of Scutari and Drivasto that the name of “Albania“ was first used. Since then, it became a more common name for the Venetian territories in the South Adriatic, and gradually spread to the north, eventually encompassing all of Zeta. The Turkish founding of the Sanjak of Scutari in 1479 had a strong geopolitical foundation in “Venetian Albania“, and as it included Montenegro and Brda, they were considered a part of Albania up until the 19th century. On the other hand, “Venetian Albania“ after the Turkish conquest of Durazzo in 1501 was reduced only to the areas of the cities of Budva and Cattaro, far beyond the borders of the theme of Durazzo, its original core.",
publisher = "Београд : Историјски институт",
journal = "Историјски часопис LXVII",
title = "Настанак „Млетачке Албаније“ и успомена на византијску власт у српском поморју, The Establishment of “Venetian Albania“ and the Memory of Byzantine Rule in the Serbian Littoral",
pages = "55-82",
volume = "67",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10720"
}
Коматина, И.,& Коматина, П.. (2018). Настанак „Млетачке Албаније“ и успомена на византијску власт у српском поморју. in Историјски часопис LXVII
Београд : Историјски институт., 67, 55-82.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10720
Коматина И, Коматина П. Настанак „Млетачке Албаније“ и успомена на византијску власт у српском поморју. in Историјски часопис LXVII. 2018;67:55-82.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10720 .
Коматина, Ивана, Коматина, Предраг, "Настанак „Млетачке Албаније“ и успомена на византијску власт у српском поморју" in Историјски часопис LXVII, 67 (2018):55-82,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10720 .

Imagining the Ruler's Genealogy in Medieval Serbia

Vasiljević, Marija

(2017)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Vasiljević, Marija
PY  - 2017
UR  - http://revista.acadsudest.ro/Arhivă/Revista%202017/RESEE%2055%202017.pdf
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/6257
AB  - Abstract: The paper explores the ways in which medieval Serbian rulers used various forms of genealogical representations in order to demonstrate their political status or ambition. It is striking that in all of them, ranging from the diverse lineages, painted genealogies, written monastic and lay genealogies, the rulers were unavoidably depicted as the heirs to the first dynastic saints. In the first three cases they are descended from Saint Simeon, either in company or without his son Saint Sava, whereas in the latter they are the successors of the holy Emperor Constantine the Great. Hence, genealogies embody the medieval epistemology of origins, understood as the source of value and political right.
T2  - Revue des études sud-est européennes
T1  - Imagining the Ruler's Genealogy in Medieval Serbia
SP  - 73
EP  - 88
IS  - 55
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6257
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Vasiljević, Marija",
year = "2017",
abstract = "Abstract: The paper explores the ways in which medieval Serbian rulers used various forms of genealogical representations in order to demonstrate their political status or ambition. It is striking that in all of them, ranging from the diverse lineages, painted genealogies, written monastic and lay genealogies, the rulers were unavoidably depicted as the heirs to the first dynastic saints. In the first three cases they are descended from Saint Simeon, either in company or without his son Saint Sava, whereas in the latter they are the successors of the holy Emperor Constantine the Great. Hence, genealogies embody the medieval epistemology of origins, understood as the source of value and political right.",
journal = "Revue des études sud-est européennes",
title = "Imagining the Ruler's Genealogy in Medieval Serbia",
pages = "73-88",
number = "55",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6257"
}
Vasiljević, M.. (2017). Imagining the Ruler's Genealogy in Medieval Serbia. in Revue des études sud-est européennes(55), 73-88.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6257
Vasiljević M. Imagining the Ruler's Genealogy in Medieval Serbia. in Revue des études sud-est européennes. 2017;(55):73-88.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6257 .
Vasiljević, Marija, "Imagining the Ruler's Genealogy in Medieval Serbia" in Revue des études sud-est européennes, no. 55 (2017):73-88,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6257 .

Српска женска имена на почетку 16. века (на основу пописа Смедеревског санџака из 1516. године)

Јовановић, Гордана М.; Катић, Срђан Д.; Јаковљевић, Александар М.

(Београд : Институт за српски језик САНУ, 2017)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Јовановић, Гордана М.
AU  - Катић, Срђан Д.
AU  - Јаковљевић, Александар М.
PY  - 2017
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/6440
AB  - Српска женска имена од домаћих извора у већој мери бележе тек
поменици 16–17. века, док их у владарским повељама из ранијег доба
практично и нема. Први извори где су она масовно посведочена су турски пописи (tapu tahrir defteri) 15–16. века, који тиме пружају важно и
значајно социолошко, етнографско и историјско сведочанство о становништву одређених српских области. У овом раду обрађује се грађа садржана у дефтеру Смедеревског санџака из 1516. године, укупно 942
потврде за 144 женска имена.
AB  - A large number of feminine names can be found in Ottoman census books (defters).
These anthroponymic materials provide important sociological, ethnographic,
linguistic and historical evidence of the population of Serbian areas included in the
census. As for the Serbian sources, feminine names start to appear largely in the commemoration
books (pomenici) of a later date (16th–17th centuries), whereas the earlier
monastery charters almost exclusively list masculine names.
The 1516 Ottoman Census contains the names of 942 women – widows who were
taxpayers, because, for one reason or another, there were no males in their households.
Their names undeniably show that the population in the Smederevo Sanjak – and
the same phenomenon may also be observed in other areas populated by the Serbs –
relied on the ancient Slavic (Serbian) onomasticon, which significantly prevailed over
Christian names.
AB  - Переписные списки (дефтеры) османского периода содержат довольно большое количество женских имён. Этот важный антропонимический материал представляет собой ценное социологическое, этнографическое, языковедческое и
историческое свидетельство о судьбах населения сербских земель, охватываемых османскими переписями. Что же касается сербских источников, женские
имена начинают встречаться в сколько-нибудь значительной мере только в помянниках более позднего времени (16–17 в.), тогда как старшие монастырские
грамоты фиксируют почти исключительно – мужские.
Османская перепись 1516 г. насчитывает имена 942-х женщин-вдов, стоявших
во главе дома, т.к. в хозяйстве по той или иной причине отсутствовали взрослые
мужчины. Их имена наглядно показывают, что среди населения Смедеревского
санджака – а то же самое отмечается в остальных областях, обитаемых сербами – использовалась древняя, славянская (сербская) антропонимика, в значительной мере преобладавшая над христианской.
PB  - Београд : Институт за српски језик САНУ
PB  - Београд : Српска академија наука и уметности
T2  - Јужнословенски филолог
T1  - Српска женска имена на почетку 16. века (на основу пописа Смедеревског санџака из 1516. године)
T1  - Сербские женские имена в начале 16-го века (на материале переписи населения Смедеревского санджака 1516 г.)
T1  - Serbian Feminine Names in the Early 16th Century (Based on the 1516 Census of the Smederevo Sanjak)
SP  - 33
EP  - 57
VL  - 73
IS  - 1-2
DO  - 10.2298/JFI1702033J
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6440
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Јовановић, Гордана М. and Катић, Срђан Д. and Јаковљевић, Александар М.",
year = "2017",
abstract = "Српска женска имена од домаћих извора у већој мери бележе тек
поменици 16–17. века, док их у владарским повељама из ранијег доба
практично и нема. Први извори где су она масовно посведочена су турски пописи (tapu tahrir defteri) 15–16. века, који тиме пружају важно и
значајно социолошко, етнографско и историјско сведочанство о становништву одређених српских области. У овом раду обрађује се грађа садржана у дефтеру Смедеревског санџака из 1516. године, укупно 942
потврде за 144 женска имена., A large number of feminine names can be found in Ottoman census books (defters).
These anthroponymic materials provide important sociological, ethnographic,
linguistic and historical evidence of the population of Serbian areas included in the
census. As for the Serbian sources, feminine names start to appear largely in the commemoration
books (pomenici) of a later date (16th–17th centuries), whereas the earlier
monastery charters almost exclusively list masculine names.
The 1516 Ottoman Census contains the names of 942 women – widows who were
taxpayers, because, for one reason or another, there were no males in their households.
Their names undeniably show that the population in the Smederevo Sanjak – and
the same phenomenon may also be observed in other areas populated by the Serbs –
relied on the ancient Slavic (Serbian) onomasticon, which significantly prevailed over
Christian names., Переписные списки (дефтеры) османского периода содержат довольно большое количество женских имён. Этот важный антропонимический материал представляет собой ценное социологическое, этнографическое, языковедческое и
историческое свидетельство о судьбах населения сербских земель, охватываемых османскими переписями. Что же касается сербских источников, женские
имена начинают встречаться в сколько-нибудь значительной мере только в помянниках более позднего времени (16–17 в.), тогда как старшие монастырские
грамоты фиксируют почти исключительно – мужские.
Османская перепись 1516 г. насчитывает имена 942-х женщин-вдов, стоявших
во главе дома, т.к. в хозяйстве по той или иной причине отсутствовали взрослые
мужчины. Их имена наглядно показывают, что среди населения Смедеревского
санджака – а то же самое отмечается в остальных областях, обитаемых сербами – использовалась древняя, славянская (сербская) антропонимика, в значительной мере преобладавшая над христианской.",
publisher = "Београд : Институт за српски језик САНУ, Београд : Српска академија наука и уметности",
journal = "Јужнословенски филолог",
title = "Српска женска имена на почетку 16. века (на основу пописа Смедеревског санџака из 1516. године), Сербские женские имена в начале 16-го века (на материале переписи населения Смедеревского санджака 1516 г.), Serbian Feminine Names in the Early 16th Century (Based on the 1516 Census of the Smederevo Sanjak)",
pages = "33-57",
volume = "73",
number = "1-2",
doi = "10.2298/JFI1702033J",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6440"
}
Јовановић, Г. М., Катић, С. Д.,& Јаковљевић, А. М.. (2017). Српска женска имена на почетку 16. века (на основу пописа Смедеревског санџака из 1516. године). in Јужнословенски филолог
Београд : Институт за српски језик САНУ., 73(1-2), 33-57.
https://doi.org/10.2298/JFI1702033J
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6440
Јовановић ГМ, Катић СД, Јаковљевић АМ. Српска женска имена на почетку 16. века (на основу пописа Смедеревског санџака из 1516. године). in Јужнословенски филолог. 2017;73(1-2):33-57.
doi:10.2298/JFI1702033J
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6440 .
Јовановић, Гордана М., Катић, Срђан Д., Јаковљевић, Александар М., "Српска женска имена на почетку 16. века (на основу пописа Смедеревског санџака из 1516. године)" in Јужнословенски филолог, 73, no. 1-2 (2017):33-57,
https://doi.org/10.2298/JFI1702033J .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6440 .

Генеалогије између историје и идеологије: пример порекла кнегиње Милице

Васиљевић, Марија

(Историјски институт, Београд, 2016)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Васиљевић, Марија
PY  - 2016
UR  - https://www.ceeol.com/search/article-detail?id=483141
UR  - http://www.iib.ac.rs/assets/files/IstorijskiCasopis65(2016).pdf
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/6258
AB  - Апстракт: У раду се на примеру порекла кнегиње Милице истражује улога генеалогија у политичком животу. Кнегињи савремени извори неодређено говоре о постојању сродства са Немањићима, док једино родослови промовишу лозу Вукан–Милица. При том, лоза је записана након смрти кнегиње Милице као део лаичке генеалогије популарне у време деспота Ђурђа Бранковића. Каснијим прерадама уводе се нове личности у родослов, да би дуготрајном преписивачком традицијом и преношењем генеалошких белешки у сродне историографске врсте опстали у земљама северно од Саве и Дунава. Тиме се још једном показује постепено напуштање историјских оквира и доминација идеолошких назора у средњовековним генеалогијама.
AB  - Summary: Medieval genealogies were written with the intention to present а specific family’s or person’s origin. They illustrate the need to legitimize their hold on power or the aim to acquire it, and to demonstrate that the achieved or desired authority is legal. This paper explores the use of genealogies in the political life of late medieval Serbian lands. The case in question is that of the wife of prince Lazar, Milica, who is presented as a descendant of prince Vukan, the eldest son of the Serbian ruler-­saint, Stefan Nemanja. The analysis is conducted by comparing all of the sources that refer to Milica’s ancestry. The research shows that the available information can be divided into two groups: one where unspecified kinship with the Nemanjić dynasty is mentioned and the other where the Vukan-­Milica lineage is clearly stated. Various sources, ranging from stemma­chronicles, liturgical texts and one charter issued by Milica’s son, despot Stefan Lazarević, belong to the first group. Moreover, all of them were written during the life of the princess, or very shortly after her death. The first genealogy that notes the Vukan-­Milica lineage is found in the Life of despot Stefan Lazarević, written by Constantine of Kostenets at the time of despot Stefan’s nephew and successor Đurađ Branković. This political and unconventional hagiography is marked by rewriting and reinterpretation of certain parts of the despot’s life. With this questionable approach to the past, the author presents a genealogy of despot Stefan. Emperor Constantine the Great becomes an ancestor of the Nemanjić dynasty and, through the Vukan-Milica lineage, of the despot himself. This falsified genealogy belongs to the type of lay genealogies, characterized by ideological attitudes and loose attachment to the historical truth. Even though the main branch of the Nemanjićs is presented correctly, it is not possible to accept the lineage in question without confirmation from other sources. Yet, the other sources do not repeat it. Afterward, the lineage is often distorted and the aim to unite all the prominent figures of medieval times in a single family tree is quite noticeable. Consequently, genealogies become filled with further fabrications. Later on, they are interpolated in other historiographical genres, one stemma­-chronicle from the 16th and chronicles from the 16th and 17th century. Иn the end, although the Vukan­-Milica lineage cannot be accepted from the methodological point of view, with the current state of the sources it is not possible to offer an alternative version of family relations between the princess and the Nemanjić dynasty. It could be argued that the success of the one we find in the Life of despot Stefan lies in the absence of living protagonists of the genealogy, an appropriate number of inserted personalities and the convenience of its narrative for despot Đurađ Branković and his successors.
PB  - Историјски институт, Београд
T2  - Историјски часопис
T1  - Генеалогије између историје и идеологије: пример порекла кнегиње Милице
SP  - 79
EP  - 99
VL  - 65
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6258
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Васиљевић, Марија",
year = "2016",
abstract = "Апстракт: У раду се на примеру порекла кнегиње Милице истражује улога генеалогија у политичком животу. Кнегињи савремени извори неодређено говоре о постојању сродства са Немањићима, док једино родослови промовишу лозу Вукан–Милица. При том, лоза је записана након смрти кнегиње Милице као део лаичке генеалогије популарне у време деспота Ђурђа Бранковића. Каснијим прерадама уводе се нове личности у родослов, да би дуготрајном преписивачком традицијом и преношењем генеалошких белешки у сродне историографске врсте опстали у земљама северно од Саве и Дунава. Тиме се још једном показује постепено напуштање историјских оквира и доминација идеолошких назора у средњовековним генеалогијама., Summary: Medieval genealogies were written with the intention to present а specific family’s or person’s origin. They illustrate the need to legitimize their hold on power or the aim to acquire it, and to demonstrate that the achieved or desired authority is legal. This paper explores the use of genealogies in the political life of late medieval Serbian lands. The case in question is that of the wife of prince Lazar, Milica, who is presented as a descendant of prince Vukan, the eldest son of the Serbian ruler-­saint, Stefan Nemanja. The analysis is conducted by comparing all of the sources that refer to Milica’s ancestry. The research shows that the available information can be divided into two groups: one where unspecified kinship with the Nemanjić dynasty is mentioned and the other where the Vukan-­Milica lineage is clearly stated. Various sources, ranging from stemma­chronicles, liturgical texts and one charter issued by Milica’s son, despot Stefan Lazarević, belong to the first group. Moreover, all of them were written during the life of the princess, or very shortly after her death. The first genealogy that notes the Vukan-­Milica lineage is found in the Life of despot Stefan Lazarević, written by Constantine of Kostenets at the time of despot Stefan’s nephew and successor Đurađ Branković. This political and unconventional hagiography is marked by rewriting and reinterpretation of certain parts of the despot’s life. With this questionable approach to the past, the author presents a genealogy of despot Stefan. Emperor Constantine the Great becomes an ancestor of the Nemanjić dynasty and, through the Vukan-Milica lineage, of the despot himself. This falsified genealogy belongs to the type of lay genealogies, characterized by ideological attitudes and loose attachment to the historical truth. Even though the main branch of the Nemanjićs is presented correctly, it is not possible to accept the lineage in question without confirmation from other sources. Yet, the other sources do not repeat it. Afterward, the lineage is often distorted and the aim to unite all the prominent figures of medieval times in a single family tree is quite noticeable. Consequently, genealogies become filled with further fabrications. Later on, they are interpolated in other historiographical genres, one stemma­-chronicle from the 16th and chronicles from the 16th and 17th century. Иn the end, although the Vukan­-Milica lineage cannot be accepted from the methodological point of view, with the current state of the sources it is not possible to offer an alternative version of family relations between the princess and the Nemanjić dynasty. It could be argued that the success of the one we find in the Life of despot Stefan lies in the absence of living protagonists of the genealogy, an appropriate number of inserted personalities and the convenience of its narrative for despot Đurađ Branković and his successors.",
publisher = "Историјски институт, Београд",
journal = "Историјски часопис",
title = "Генеалогије између историје и идеологије: пример порекла кнегиње Милице",
pages = "79-99",
volume = "65",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6258"
}
Васиљевић, М.. (2016). Генеалогије између историје и идеологије: пример порекла кнегиње Милице. in Историјски часопис
Историјски институт, Београд., 65, 79-99.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6258
Васиљевић М. Генеалогије између историје и идеологије: пример порекла кнегиње Милице. in Историјски часопис. 2016;65:79-99.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6258 .
Васиљевић, Марија, "Генеалогије између историје и идеологије: пример порекла кнегиње Милице" in Историјски часопис, 65 (2016):79-99,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6258 .

The Ideology of the Illyrian Armorial

Rudić, Srđan

(Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, 2016)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Rudić, Srđan
PY  - 2016
UR  - http://www.doiserbia.nb.rs/Article.aspx?id=0350-76531647135R
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/5328
AB  - The appearance of the Illyrian Armorial in the late sixteenth century has been linked to Petar Iveljin (son of Ivelja) Ohmućević-Grgurić, a native of Dubrovnik (Ragusa) in the service of the Spanish king. The main purpose of the Armorial was to demonstrate his noble descent. It was therefore designed in such a way as to make it clear to everyone who should see it that the Ohumućević-Grgurićs were an old and reputable noble family. In order for the Armorial to achieve the intended purpose efficiently, some ideas and be­liefs were slipped in which were current in the milieu in which it was created. The Illyrian Armorial cannot therefore be properly understood without taking into account the time and setting of its creation as it reflects various political, cultural and religious influences of its time.
PB  - Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts
T2  - Balcanica
T1  - The Ideology of the Illyrian Armorial
SP  - 135
EP  - 156
IS  - XLVII
DO  - 10.2298/BALC1647135R
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5328
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Rudić, Srđan",
year = "2016",
abstract = "The appearance of the Illyrian Armorial in the late sixteenth century has been linked to Petar Iveljin (son of Ivelja) Ohmućević-Grgurić, a native of Dubrovnik (Ragusa) in the service of the Spanish king. The main purpose of the Armorial was to demonstrate his noble descent. It was therefore designed in such a way as to make it clear to everyone who should see it that the Ohumućević-Grgurićs were an old and reputable noble family. In order for the Armorial to achieve the intended purpose efficiently, some ideas and be­liefs were slipped in which were current in the milieu in which it was created. The Illyrian Armorial cannot therefore be properly understood without taking into account the time and setting of its creation as it reflects various political, cultural and religious influences of its time.",
publisher = "Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts",
journal = "Balcanica",
title = "The Ideology of the Illyrian Armorial",
pages = "135-156",
number = "XLVII",
doi = "10.2298/BALC1647135R",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5328"
}
Rudić, S.. (2016). The Ideology of the Illyrian Armorial. in Balcanica
Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts.(XLVII), 135-156.
https://doi.org/10.2298/BALC1647135R
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5328
Rudić S. The Ideology of the Illyrian Armorial. in Balcanica. 2016;(XLVII):135-156.
doi:10.2298/BALC1647135R
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5328 .
Rudić, Srđan, "The Ideology of the Illyrian Armorial" in Balcanica, no. XLVII (2016):135-156,
https://doi.org/10.2298/BALC1647135R .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5328 .

Stefan Rohdewald, Götter der Nationen: Religiöse Erinnerungsfiguren in Serbien, Bulgarien und Makedonien bis1944. Cologne – Weimar – Vienna: Böhlau Verlag, 2014, 905 p.

Fundić, Dušan; Vasiljević, Marija

(Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, 2015)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Fundić, Dušan
AU  - Vasiljević, Marija
PY  - 2015
UR  - https://www.ceeol.com/search/article-detail?id=308619
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/6024
PB  - Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts
T2  - Balcanica
T1  - Stefan Rohdewald, Götter der Nationen: Religiöse Erinnerungsfiguren in Serbien, Bulgarien und Makedonien bis1944. Cologne – Weimar – Vienna: Böhlau Verlag, 2014, 905 p.
SP  - 434
EP  - 437
IS  - XLVI
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6024
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Fundić, Dušan and Vasiljević, Marija",
year = "2015",
publisher = "Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts",
journal = "Balcanica",
title = "Stefan Rohdewald, Götter der Nationen: Religiöse Erinnerungsfiguren in Serbien, Bulgarien und Makedonien bis1944. Cologne – Weimar – Vienna: Böhlau Verlag, 2014, 905 p.",
pages = "434-437",
number = "XLVI",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6024"
}
Fundić, D.,& Vasiljević, M.. (2015). Stefan Rohdewald, Götter der Nationen: Religiöse Erinnerungsfiguren in Serbien, Bulgarien und Makedonien bis1944. Cologne – Weimar – Vienna: Böhlau Verlag, 2014, 905 p.. in Balcanica
Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts.(XLVI), 434-437.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6024
Fundić D, Vasiljević M. Stefan Rohdewald, Götter der Nationen: Religiöse Erinnerungsfiguren in Serbien, Bulgarien und Makedonien bis1944. Cologne – Weimar – Vienna: Böhlau Verlag, 2014, 905 p.. in Balcanica. 2015;(XLVI):434-437.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6024 .
Fundić, Dušan, Vasiljević, Marija, "Stefan Rohdewald, Götter der Nationen: Religiöse Erinnerungsfiguren in Serbien, Bulgarien und Makedonien bis1944. Cologne – Weimar – Vienna: Böhlau Verlag, 2014, 905 p." in Balcanica, no. XLVI (2015):434-437,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6024 .

Настанак српских родослова и летописа као последица политичких и друштвених промена

Васиљевић, Марија

(2015)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Васиљевић, Марија
PY  - 2015
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/6259
UR  - https://www.ceeol.com/search/article-detail?id=289299
AB  - Апстракт: У раду се истражује веза између појаве старих српских родослова и летописа и историјских околности у којима су настали. Анализи ових дела приступа се на три нивоа. Први ниво је жанровски, односно сачувани текстови груписани су са њима сродним историографским врстама и међуврстама. Даље, ослањајући се на закључке теоретског редефинисања, поново су испитани време и могући разлози писања њихових првих примерака. На крају, рад се бави „решеткама перцепције“ аутора које указују на природу везе са политичким и друштвеним околностима у којима су дела настала.
AB  - Summary: This paper explores the relationship between the emergence of genealogies and chronicles and the specific social and political circumstances in which they originated. In that process, the ideology behind those texts is compared to the ideology of previous times, in search for the particular and specific history of medieval Serbian ideologies. Analysis of the hidden ideologies in these texts lead us to defining perceptual grids, which determine the nature of the writer’s perceptions and the manner in which he transmitted historical events. Understanding perceptual grids helps us to better determine the value of these sources for modern scholars. Research showed that former division of these sources, into genealogies, early chronicles and later chronicles, is not adequate. Therefore a new classification in accordance with the theory of genres and their evolution is proposed. The first group of sources may still be called genealogies, even though they are not just genealogies, but conflations between genres of hagiography and genealogy. The contents, typically hagiographic, are linked by the principle of hereditary succession into a chronological sequence. The older chronicles, are renamed to stemma-chronicles, another mixture of theoretically distinct genres. In stemma-chronicle content is also organized as a series of biographies in chronological sequence, connected by family affiliation. The difference between genealogies and stemma-chronicles is that in the former content is usually religiously oriented while in the later it is a balanced mix of historical accounts of secular and religious significance. It should be added, that in stemma-chronicles timelines are present, which is not the case with genealogies. The third group is named simple chronicles, instead of later chronicles, since it represent the genre in its pure form. Historical events are recorded by their date without connecting protagonists by affiliation. Apart from the theoretical redefinition of the sources, the paper offers a new time frame for their emergence. Bringing together historical circumstances, genre relations and their reciprocal influence and results of analysed contents it is argued that genealogies, stemma-chronicles and chronicles originated at or around the time of the battle of Marica River in 1371. Once again, the search for the past is shown to be guided by present necessities in turbulent and insecure times like those in the last quarter of the 14th century.
 In the end, the last and maybe the most important conclusion of this paper is the definition of two types of perceptual grids found in examined sources. The first is the political and ideological perceptual grid, which is present in genealogies and stemma-chronicles. Representation and reinterpretation of history in those texts is conditioned by the intense contest for political power and authority, and these texts can be seen as a textual analogy of that struggle. The second one can be called the historical perceptual grid, because history was not used as a field of political competition for political power, but as a means of remembering events that are important for the community and thereby creating a collective identity.
T2  - Иницијал. Часопис за средњовековне студије
T1  - Настанак српских родослова и летописа као последица политичких и друштвених промена
SP  - 95
EP  - 117
VL  - 3
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6259
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Васиљевић, Марија",
year = "2015",
abstract = "Апстракт: У раду се истражује веза између појаве старих српских родослова и летописа и историјских околности у којима су настали. Анализи ових дела приступа се на три нивоа. Први ниво је жанровски, односно сачувани текстови груписани су са њима сродним историографским врстама и међуврстама. Даље, ослањајући се на закључке теоретског редефинисања, поново су испитани време и могући разлози писања њихових првих примерака. На крају, рад се бави „решеткама перцепције“ аутора које указују на природу везе са политичким и друштвеним околностима у којима су дела настала., Summary: This paper explores the relationship between the emergence of genealogies and chronicles and the specific social and political circumstances in which they originated. In that process, the ideology behind those texts is compared to the ideology of previous times, in search for the particular and specific history of medieval Serbian ideologies. Analysis of the hidden ideologies in these texts lead us to defining perceptual grids, which determine the nature of the writer’s perceptions and the manner in which he transmitted historical events. Understanding perceptual grids helps us to better determine the value of these sources for modern scholars. Research showed that former division of these sources, into genealogies, early chronicles and later chronicles, is not adequate. Therefore a new classification in accordance with the theory of genres and their evolution is proposed. The first group of sources may still be called genealogies, even though they are not just genealogies, but conflations between genres of hagiography and genealogy. The contents, typically hagiographic, are linked by the principle of hereditary succession into a chronological sequence. The older chronicles, are renamed to stemma-chronicles, another mixture of theoretically distinct genres. In stemma-chronicle content is also organized as a series of biographies in chronological sequence, connected by family affiliation. The difference between genealogies and stemma-chronicles is that in the former content is usually religiously oriented while in the later it is a balanced mix of historical accounts of secular and religious significance. It should be added, that in stemma-chronicles timelines are present, which is not the case with genealogies. The third group is named simple chronicles, instead of later chronicles, since it represent the genre in its pure form. Historical events are recorded by their date without connecting protagonists by affiliation. Apart from the theoretical redefinition of the sources, the paper offers a new time frame for their emergence. Bringing together historical circumstances, genre relations and their reciprocal influence and results of analysed contents it is argued that genealogies, stemma-chronicles and chronicles originated at or around the time of the battle of Marica River in 1371. Once again, the search for the past is shown to be guided by present necessities in turbulent and insecure times like those in the last quarter of the 14th century.
 In the end, the last and maybe the most important conclusion of this paper is the definition of two types of perceptual grids found in examined sources. The first is the political and ideological perceptual grid, which is present in genealogies and stemma-chronicles. Representation and reinterpretation of history in those texts is conditioned by the intense contest for political power and authority, and these texts can be seen as a textual analogy of that struggle. The second one can be called the historical perceptual grid, because history was not used as a field of political competition for political power, but as a means of remembering events that are important for the community and thereby creating a collective identity.",
journal = "Иницијал. Часопис за средњовековне студије",
title = "Настанак српских родослова и летописа као последица политичких и друштвених промена",
pages = "95-117",
volume = "3",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6259"
}
Васиљевић, М.. (2015). Настанак српских родослова и летописа као последица политичких и друштвених промена. in Иницијал. Часопис за средњовековне студије, 3, 95-117.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6259
Васиљевић М. Настанак српских родослова и летописа као последица политичких и друштвених промена. in Иницијал. Часопис за средњовековне студије. 2015;3:95-117.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6259 .
Васиљевић, Марија, "Настанак српских родослова и летописа као последица политичких и друштвених промена" in Иницијал. Часопис за средњовековне студије, 3 (2015):95-117,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6259 .

Héritagesde Byzance en Europe du Sud-Est à l’époque moderne et contemporaine, eds. Olivier Delouis, Anne Couderc & Petre Guran. Athens: École française d’Athènes, 2013, 522 p.

Živković, Miloš

(Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, 2015)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Živković, Miloš
PY  - 2015
UR  - https://www.ceeol.com/search/article-detail?id=308618
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/5660
PB  - Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts
T2  - Balcanica
T1  - Héritagesde Byzance en Europe du Sud-Est à l’époque moderne et contemporaine, eds. Olivier Delouis, Anne Couderc & Petre Guran. Athens: École française d’Athènes, 2013, 522 p.
SP  - 429
EP  - 434
IS  - XLVI
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5660
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Živković, Miloš",
year = "2015",
publisher = "Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts",
journal = "Balcanica",
title = "Héritagesde Byzance en Europe du Sud-Est à l’époque moderne et contemporaine, eds. Olivier Delouis, Anne Couderc & Petre Guran. Athens: École française d’Athènes, 2013, 522 p.",
pages = "429-434",
number = "XLVI",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5660"
}
Živković, M.. (2015). Héritagesde Byzance en Europe du Sud-Est à l’époque moderne et contemporaine, eds. Olivier Delouis, Anne Couderc & Petre Guran. Athens: École française d’Athènes, 2013, 522 p.. in Balcanica
Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts.(XLVI), 429-434.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5660
Živković M. Héritagesde Byzance en Europe du Sud-Est à l’époque moderne et contemporaine, eds. Olivier Delouis, Anne Couderc & Petre Guran. Athens: École française d’Athènes, 2013, 522 p.. in Balcanica. 2015;(XLVI):429-434.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5660 .
Živković, Miloš, "Héritagesde Byzance en Europe du Sud-Est à l’époque moderne et contemporaine, eds. Olivier Delouis, Anne Couderc & Petre Guran. Athens: École française d’Athènes, 2013, 522 p." in Balcanica, no. XLVI (2015):429-434,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5660 .

Esad Kurtović, Konj u srednjovjekovnoj Bosni, Univerzitet u Sarajevu, Sarajevo 2014, 825

Васиљевић, Марија

(Историјски институт, Београд, 2014)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Васиљевић, Марија
PY  - 2014
UR  - https://www.ceeol.com/search/article-detail?id=83611
UR  - http://www.iib.ac.rs/assets/files/IstorijskiCasopis63(2014).pdf
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/6256
PB  - Историјски институт, Београд
T2  - Историјски часопис
T1  - Esad Kurtović, Konj u srednjovjekovnoj Bosni, Univerzitet u Sarajevu, Sarajevo 2014, 825
SP  - 134
EP  - 137
IS  - 63
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6256
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Васиљевић, Марија",
year = "2014",
publisher = "Историјски институт, Београд",
journal = "Историјски часопис",
title = "Esad Kurtović, Konj u srednjovjekovnoj Bosni, Univerzitet u Sarajevu, Sarajevo 2014, 825",
pages = "134-137",
number = "63",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6256"
}
Васиљевић, М.. (2014). Esad Kurtović, Konj u srednjovjekovnoj Bosni, Univerzitet u Sarajevu, Sarajevo 2014, 825. in Историјски часопис
Историјски институт, Београд.(63), 134-137.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6256
Васиљевић М. Esad Kurtović, Konj u srednjovjekovnoj Bosni, Univerzitet u Sarajevu, Sarajevo 2014, 825. in Историјски часопис. 2014;(63):134-137.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6256 .
Васиљевић, Марија, "Esad Kurtović, Konj u srednjovjekovnoj Bosni, Univerzitet u Sarajevu, Sarajevo 2014, 825" in Историјски часопис, no. 63 (2014):134-137,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6256 .

Помени предака у повељама Немањића и легитимизација власти

Васиљевић, Марија

(Центар за напредне средњовековне студије, 2013)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Васиљевић, Марија
PY  - 2013
UR  - https://www.ceeol.com/search/article-detail?id=116725
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/6260
AB  - Mentions of ancestors in the charters of Serbian medieval rulers from the Nemanjić dynasty often bear an ideological note illustrating one of the key requirements of medieval government – the need to legitimize a ruler’s hold on power or, in other words, to recognize newly acquired ruling authority as legal. Analysis of these ideological mentions of ancestors has uncovered three patterns of their usage, based on the manner in which the ancestral motif is used and the degree of legitimization it achieves. The first pattern consists of mentions found in autobiographical excerpts placed in the preambles (arengae) of solemn charters recording donations to ecclesiastical institutions. In situations when his right to power is disputable, the current ruler speaks of his accession to the throne, creating a context in which he can be represented as a legitimate heir. This pattern was present in the documents of rulers whose right to the throne was questioned since the beginning of their reign – Stefan the Firstcrowned, Stefan Dečanski and Stefan Dušan.  The second pattern concentrates on the mentions of ancestors as saints. This pattern’s potential for legitimization is most notably exploited in the rulers’ intitulations. Mentions of this type are often followed by the beata stirps motif which was initially linked to the metaphor of the tree of Jesse. This pattern is present in the documents of Nemanjić rulers since the time of the canonization of the dynasty’s founder, Stefan Nemanja, and its frequency testifies to the suitability of such mentions for legitimization of power.  The last pattern comprises participation of the holy ancestors in government. At first, the ancestors participate in government through their mention in the sanctions of royal charters as protectors of the current ruler’s donations along with God, the Virgin, and some of the greatest Christian saints. Later, they are shown as helping the ruler in conquests or succession to the throne through their prayers. This pattern was developed during the reign of king Мilutin, at a time of severe internal conflicts.  Widespread presence and constant innovation of ancestral mentions indicate that they had an important role presenting the rulers to the readers and users of their documents. Additionally, the variety of the types of mentions implies that the diplomatic image of the ruler was adjusted to the current political situation. It was of crucial importance in the tumult of frequent dynastic confrontations, which strongly encouraged the use of every available instrument to demonstrate a ruler’s legitimacy.
PB  - Центар за напредне средњовековне студије
T2  - Иницијал. Часопис за средњовековне студије
T1  - Помени предака у повељама Немањића и легитимизација власти
SP  - 77
EP  - 96
VL  - 1
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6260
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Васиљевић, Марија",
year = "2013",
abstract = "Mentions of ancestors in the charters of Serbian medieval rulers from the Nemanjić dynasty often bear an ideological note illustrating one of the key requirements of medieval government – the need to legitimize a ruler’s hold on power or, in other words, to recognize newly acquired ruling authority as legal. Analysis of these ideological mentions of ancestors has uncovered three patterns of their usage, based on the manner in which the ancestral motif is used and the degree of legitimization it achieves. The first pattern consists of mentions found in autobiographical excerpts placed in the preambles (arengae) of solemn charters recording donations to ecclesiastical institutions. In situations when his right to power is disputable, the current ruler speaks of his accession to the throne, creating a context in which he can be represented as a legitimate heir. This pattern was present in the documents of rulers whose right to the throne was questioned since the beginning of their reign – Stefan the Firstcrowned, Stefan Dečanski and Stefan Dušan.  The second pattern concentrates on the mentions of ancestors as saints. This pattern’s potential for legitimization is most notably exploited in the rulers’ intitulations. Mentions of this type are often followed by the beata stirps motif which was initially linked to the metaphor of the tree of Jesse. This pattern is present in the documents of Nemanjić rulers since the time of the canonization of the dynasty’s founder, Stefan Nemanja, and its frequency testifies to the suitability of such mentions for legitimization of power.  The last pattern comprises participation of the holy ancestors in government. At first, the ancestors participate in government through their mention in the sanctions of royal charters as protectors of the current ruler’s donations along with God, the Virgin, and some of the greatest Christian saints. Later, they are shown as helping the ruler in conquests or succession to the throne through their prayers. This pattern was developed during the reign of king Мilutin, at a time of severe internal conflicts.  Widespread presence and constant innovation of ancestral mentions indicate that they had an important role presenting the rulers to the readers and users of their documents. Additionally, the variety of the types of mentions implies that the diplomatic image of the ruler was adjusted to the current political situation. It was of crucial importance in the tumult of frequent dynastic confrontations, which strongly encouraged the use of every available instrument to demonstrate a ruler’s legitimacy.",
publisher = "Центар за напредне средњовековне студије",
journal = "Иницијал. Часопис за средњовековне студије",
title = "Помени предака у повељама Немањића и легитимизација власти",
pages = "77-96",
volume = "1",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6260"
}
Васиљевић, М.. (2013). Помени предака у повељама Немањића и легитимизација власти. in Иницијал. Часопис за средњовековне студије
Центар за напредне средњовековне студије., 1, 77-96.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6260
Васиљевић М. Помени предака у повељама Немањића и легитимизација власти. in Иницијал. Часопис за средњовековне студије. 2013;1:77-96.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6260 .
Васиљевић, Марија, "Помени предака у повељама Немањића и легитимизација власти" in Иницијал. Часопис за средњовековне студије, 1 (2013):77-96,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6260 .

Петар Павловић – Војвода Хумски и Крајине

Рудић, Срђан

(Београд : Српска академија наука и уметности, 2012)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Рудић, Срђан
PY  - 2012
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/9658
AB  - У раду
је, на основу
литературе
и необјављене
грађе
из Дубровачког
архива,
приказано
деловање
Петра
Павловића,
војводе
Хумског
и Крајине,
припадника
познате
средњовековне
хумске
властеоске
породице
познате
под презименима
Богавчић
– Радивојевић
– Јурјевић
(Ђурђевић)
– Влатковић.
Петар
Павловић
се у изворима
помиње
у периоду
1482–1528. године.
Коришћени
подаци
сведоче
о политичким,
финансијским
и породичним
приликама
у којима
је живео
и деловао.
AB  - Petar Pavlović belonged to the famous Mediaeval noble family of
Hum which is known in literature under the surnames of Bogavčić
– Radivojević – Jurjević (Djurdjević) – Vlatković. His parents were
prince Pavle Petrović and Jelena. In the documents of the Archives of
Dubrovnik he had been mentioned during the period from 1482 till
1528. Late April or early in 1508 he received the title of duke. At some
time similar, alongside his name, we find also “of Hum” and early in
May 1508 he received from the Turks the territory of Krajina to govern
there. Two years later, the Turks gave him also all the estates who before
had belonged to his cousin fra Avgustin Vlatković, the previous duke
on the territories of Vrgorac, Ljubuški and Primorje. Used data bear
witness to the political, financial and family circumstances under which
Petar Pavlović lived and worked. At the same time, in a certain way,
they give us an insight, though partial and incomplete, into the life of
the Christian nobility which survived the fall under the Turks, adjusted
itself to the new masters and entered their service.
PB  - Београд : Српска академија наука и уметности
T2  - Зборник за историју Босне и Херцеговине
T1  - Петар Павловић – Војвода Хумски и Крајине
T1  - Petar Pavlović – Duke of Hum and Krajina
SP  - 49
EP  - 60
IS  - 7
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_9658
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Рудић, Срђан",
year = "2012",
abstract = "У раду
је, на основу
литературе
и необјављене
грађе
из Дубровачког
архива,
приказано
деловање
Петра
Павловића,
војводе
Хумског
и Крајине,
припадника
познате
средњовековне
хумске
властеоске
породице
познате
под презименима
Богавчић
– Радивојевић
– Јурјевић
(Ђурђевић)
– Влатковић.
Петар
Павловић
се у изворима
помиње
у периоду
1482–1528. године.
Коришћени
подаци
сведоче
о политичким,
финансијским
и породичним
приликама
у којима
је живео
и деловао., Petar Pavlović belonged to the famous Mediaeval noble family of
Hum which is known in literature under the surnames of Bogavčić
– Radivojević – Jurjević (Djurdjević) – Vlatković. His parents were
prince Pavle Petrović and Jelena. In the documents of the Archives of
Dubrovnik he had been mentioned during the period from 1482 till
1528. Late April or early in 1508 he received the title of duke. At some
time similar, alongside his name, we find also “of Hum” and early in
May 1508 he received from the Turks the territory of Krajina to govern
there. Two years later, the Turks gave him also all the estates who before
had belonged to his cousin fra Avgustin Vlatković, the previous duke
on the territories of Vrgorac, Ljubuški and Primorje. Used data bear
witness to the political, financial and family circumstances under which
Petar Pavlović lived and worked. At the same time, in a certain way,
they give us an insight, though partial and incomplete, into the life of
the Christian nobility which survived the fall under the Turks, adjusted
itself to the new masters and entered their service.",
publisher = "Београд : Српска академија наука и уметности",
journal = "Зборник за историју Босне и Херцеговине",
title = "Петар Павловић – Војвода Хумски и Крајине, Petar Pavlović – Duke of Hum and Krajina",
pages = "49-60",
number = "7",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_9658"
}
Рудић, С.. (2012). Петар Павловић – Војвода Хумски и Крајине. in Зборник за историју Босне и Херцеговине
Београд : Српска академија наука и уметности.(7), 49-60.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_9658
Рудић С. Петар Павловић – Војвода Хумски и Крајине. in Зборник за историју Босне и Херцеговине. 2012;(7):49-60.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_9658 .
Рудић, Срђан, "Петар Павловић – Војвода Хумски и Крајине" in Зборник за историју Босне и Херцеговине, no. 7 (2012):49-60,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_9658 .