Popović, Danica

Link to this page

Authority KeyName Variants
5ff4d034-6f8d-4d6a-ab40-72f5c820de0e
  • Popović, Danica (12)
Projects

Author's Bibliography

On Two Lost Medieval Serbian Reliquaries The Staurothekai of King Stefan Uroš I and Queen Helen

Popović, Danica

(Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA, 2019)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Popović, Danica
PY  - 2019
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/7795
AB  - This essay discusses two lost medieval Serbian staurothekai known only from written sources. One, belonging to the Serbian King Stefan Uroš I, was described as a sumptuous item in the Hungarian spoils of war following their victory over the Serbian army in Mačva in 1268. The other staurotheke, with an extensive inscription, was Queen Helen’s gift to the monastery of Sopoćani, a foundation of her husband Uroš I. Based on the available facts, it has been assumed that this reliquary came into the possession of a Serbian ruler of the House of Branković in the fifteenth century, eventually ending up in the Habsburg geistliche Schatzkammer and playing an important role in the Pietas austriaca programme. It is known from the surviving descriptions that the staurothekai had the shape of a two-armed cross, and were made of gold and lavishly adorned with precious stones. Apart from their substantial material worth, documented with precision, both staurothekai had a distinct sacral meaning and ideological function.
PB  - Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA
T2  - Balcanica
T1  - On Two Lost Medieval Serbian Reliquaries  The Staurothekai of King Stefan Uroš I and Queen Helen
SP  - 39
EP  - 55
VL  - 50
DO  - 10.2298/BALC1950039P
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7795
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Popović, Danica",
year = "2019",
abstract = "This essay discusses two lost medieval Serbian staurothekai known only from written sources. One, belonging to the Serbian King Stefan Uroš I, was described as a sumptuous item in the Hungarian spoils of war following their victory over the Serbian army in Mačva in 1268. The other staurotheke, with an extensive inscription, was Queen Helen’s gift to the monastery of Sopoćani, a foundation of her husband Uroš I. Based on the available facts, it has been assumed that this reliquary came into the possession of a Serbian ruler of the House of Branković in the fifteenth century, eventually ending up in the Habsburg geistliche Schatzkammer and playing an important role in the Pietas austriaca programme. It is known from the surviving descriptions that the staurothekai had the shape of a two-armed cross, and were made of gold and lavishly adorned with precious stones. Apart from their substantial material worth, documented with precision, both staurothekai had a distinct sacral meaning and ideological function.",
publisher = "Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA",
journal = "Balcanica",
title = "On Two Lost Medieval Serbian Reliquaries  The Staurothekai of King Stefan Uroš I and Queen Helen",
pages = "39-55",
volume = "50",
doi = "10.2298/BALC1950039P",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7795"
}
Popović, D.. (2019). On Two Lost Medieval Serbian Reliquaries  The Staurothekai of King Stefan Uroš I and Queen Helen. in Balcanica
Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA., 50, 39-55.
https://doi.org/10.2298/BALC1950039P
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7795
Popović D. On Two Lost Medieval Serbian Reliquaries  The Staurothekai of King Stefan Uroš I and Queen Helen. in Balcanica. 2019;50:39-55.
doi:10.2298/BALC1950039P
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7795 .
Popović, Danica, "On Two Lost Medieval Serbian Reliquaries  The Staurothekai of King Stefan Uroš I and Queen Helen" in Balcanica, 50 (2019):39-55,
https://doi.org/10.2298/BALC1950039P .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7795 .
3
1

Irena Špadijer, Sveti Petar Koriški u staroj srpskoj književnosti [St Peter of Koriša in Old Serbian Literature]. Belgrade: Čigoja štampa, 2014, 413 p.

Popović, Danica

(Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, 2017)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Popović, Danica
PY  - 2017
UR  - https://www.ceeol.com/search/article-detail?id=667578
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/5666
PB  - Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts
T2  - Balcanica
T1  - Irena Špadijer, Sveti Petar Koriški u staroj srpskoj književnosti [St Peter of Koriša in Old Serbian Literature]. Belgrade: Čigoja štampa, 2014, 413 p.
SP  - 369
EP  - 372
IS  - XLVIII
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5666
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Popović, Danica",
year = "2017",
publisher = "Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts",
journal = "Balcanica",
title = "Irena Špadijer, Sveti Petar Koriški u staroj srpskoj književnosti [St Peter of Koriša in Old Serbian Literature]. Belgrade: Čigoja štampa, 2014, 413 p.",
pages = "369-372",
number = "XLVIII",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5666"
}
Popović, D.. (2017). Irena Špadijer, Sveti Petar Koriški u staroj srpskoj književnosti [St Peter of Koriša in Old Serbian Literature]. Belgrade: Čigoja štampa, 2014, 413 p.. in Balcanica
Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts.(XLVIII), 369-372.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5666
Popović D. Irena Špadijer, Sveti Petar Koriški u staroj srpskoj književnosti [St Peter of Koriša in Old Serbian Literature]. Belgrade: Čigoja štampa, 2014, 413 p.. in Balcanica. 2017;(XLVIII):369-372.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5666 .
Popović, Danica, "Irena Špadijer, Sveti Petar Koriški u staroj srpskoj književnosti [St Peter of Koriša in Old Serbian Literature]. Belgrade: Čigoja štampa, 2014, 413 p." in Balcanica, no. XLVIII (2017):369-372,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5666 .

The Siena relic of St John the Baptist’s right arm

Popović, Danica

(Faculty of Philosophy, Belgrade, 2017)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Popović, Danica
PY  - 2017
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/4879
UR  - http://www.doiserbia.nb.rs/img/doi/0350-1361/2017/0350-13611741077P.pdf
AB  - The paper takes a systematic approach to the hitherto unpublished relic of St John the Baptist’s right arm which is kept in a cache in Siena cathedral. It includes the available historical information about the relic’s journey from Serbia until its arrival in Siena (1464) and the circumstances in which it came into the possession of pope Pius II. It provides a detailed description both of the relic and of the reliquary, an exquisite piece of medieval goldsmithing and filigree work with few direct analogies. Particular attention is devoted to the inscription on the reliquary lid: “Right arm of John the Forerunner, cover me, Sava the Serbian archbishop.” Based on the inscription, the reliquary is identified as one of the founding objects of the treasury of the monastery of Žiča (the Serbian cathedral and coronation church) which was gradually built up in the first decades of the thirteenth century through the effort of Sava of Serbia. Discussed in the context of this topic are also the “veil” and the “cushion”, the luxurious textiles in which the Baptist’s arm was brought to Siena. [Project of the Serbian Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development, Grant no. 177003: Medieval heritage of the Balkans: institutions and culture]
PB  - Faculty of Philosophy, Belgrade
T2  - Zograf
T1  - The Siena relic of St John the Baptist’s right arm
SP  - 77
EP  - 94
IS  - 41
DO  - 10.2298/ZOG1741077P
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4879
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Popović, Danica",
year = "2017",
abstract = "The paper takes a systematic approach to the hitherto unpublished relic of St John the Baptist’s right arm which is kept in a cache in Siena cathedral. It includes the available historical information about the relic’s journey from Serbia until its arrival in Siena (1464) and the circumstances in which it came into the possession of pope Pius II. It provides a detailed description both of the relic and of the reliquary, an exquisite piece of medieval goldsmithing and filigree work with few direct analogies. Particular attention is devoted to the inscription on the reliquary lid: “Right arm of John the Forerunner, cover me, Sava the Serbian archbishop.” Based on the inscription, the reliquary is identified as one of the founding objects of the treasury of the monastery of Žiča (the Serbian cathedral and coronation church) which was gradually built up in the first decades of the thirteenth century through the effort of Sava of Serbia. Discussed in the context of this topic are also the “veil” and the “cushion”, the luxurious textiles in which the Baptist’s arm was brought to Siena. [Project of the Serbian Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development, Grant no. 177003: Medieval heritage of the Balkans: institutions and culture]",
publisher = "Faculty of Philosophy, Belgrade",
journal = "Zograf",
title = "The Siena relic of St John the Baptist’s right arm",
pages = "77-94",
number = "41",
doi = "10.2298/ZOG1741077P",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4879"
}
Popović, D.. (2017). The Siena relic of St John the Baptist’s right arm. in Zograf
Faculty of Philosophy, Belgrade.(41), 77-94.
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZOG1741077P
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4879
Popović D. The Siena relic of St John the Baptist’s right arm. in Zograf. 2017;(41):77-94.
doi:10.2298/ZOG1741077P
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4879 .
Popović, Danica, "The Siena relic of St John the Baptist’s right arm" in Zograf, no. 41 (2017):77-94,
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZOG1741077P .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4879 .
9
1
2
3

The Myhrr-exuding tomb of St Symeon of Serbia at Studenica: A fresh look

Popović, Danica; Popović, Marko

(Institute for Byzantine Studies of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, 2015)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Popović, Danica
AU  - Popović, Marko
PY  - 2015
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/4883
UR  - http://www.doiserbia.nb.rs/img/doi/0584-9888/2015/0584-98881552237P.pdf
AB  - The latest results of the investigation of the royal tombs at the monastery of Studenica, Serbia, have inspired a reconsideration of the place of burial of some members of the Nemanjić family. There is further evidence that the tomb and sarcophagus of the ktetor, Stefan Nemanja, formed part of the original design for the church. Based on their construction and comparative material, it is assumed that the relics of St Symeon, upon their translation to Studenica, were laid in the sarcophagus from which they exuded myrrh. The myrrh-exuding of St Symeon is looked at against the broader background of cult practice in the Byzantine world. [Projekat Ministarstva nauke Republike Srbije, br. 177003: Srednjovekovno nasleđe Balkana - institucije i kultura]
PB  - Institute for Byzantine Studies of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts
T2  - Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta
T1  - The Myhrr-exuding tomb of St Symeon of Serbia at Studenica: A fresh look
SP  - 237
EP  - 257
IS  - 52
DO  - 10.2298/ZRVI1552237P
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4883
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Popović, Danica and Popović, Marko",
year = "2015",
abstract = "The latest results of the investigation of the royal tombs at the monastery of Studenica, Serbia, have inspired a reconsideration of the place of burial of some members of the Nemanjić family. There is further evidence that the tomb and sarcophagus of the ktetor, Stefan Nemanja, formed part of the original design for the church. Based on their construction and comparative material, it is assumed that the relics of St Symeon, upon their translation to Studenica, were laid in the sarcophagus from which they exuded myrrh. The myrrh-exuding of St Symeon is looked at against the broader background of cult practice in the Byzantine world. [Projekat Ministarstva nauke Republike Srbije, br. 177003: Srednjovekovno nasleđe Balkana - institucije i kultura]",
publisher = "Institute for Byzantine Studies of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts",
journal = "Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta",
title = "The Myhrr-exuding tomb of St Symeon of Serbia at Studenica: A fresh look",
pages = "237-257",
number = "52",
doi = "10.2298/ZRVI1552237P",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4883"
}
Popović, D.,& Popović, M.. (2015). The Myhrr-exuding tomb of St Symeon of Serbia at Studenica: A fresh look. in Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta
Institute for Byzantine Studies of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts.(52), 237-257.
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1552237P
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4883
Popović D, Popović M. The Myhrr-exuding tomb of St Symeon of Serbia at Studenica: A fresh look. in Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta. 2015;(52):237-257.
doi:10.2298/ZRVI1552237P
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4883 .
Popović, Danica, Popović, Marko, "The Myhrr-exuding tomb of St Symeon of Serbia at Studenica: A fresh look" in Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 52 (2015):237-257,
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1552237P .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4883 .

Eulogiae Terrae Sanctae of St Sava of Serbia

Popović, Danica

(Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, 2014)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Popović, Danica
PY  - 2014
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/4884
UR  - http://www.doiserbia.nb.rs/img/doi/0350-7653/2014/0350-76531445055P.pdf
AB  - The focus of the paper is on the eulogiae that Sava of Serbia, on his pilgrimage in the Holy Land, sent to the abbot of Studenica, Spyridon: a little cross, a little belt, a little towel and a little stone. In his letter accompanying the gifts, the earliest surviving work of Serbian epistolary literature, Sava points to their prayer and protective function. Sava's eulogiae are looked at against the background of Eastern Christian devotional practices.
PB  - Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts
T2  - Balcanica
T1  - Eulogiae Terrae Sanctae of St Sava of Serbia
SP  - 55
EP  - 69
IS  - XLV
DO  - 10.2298/BALC1445055P
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4884
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Popović, Danica",
year = "2014",
abstract = "The focus of the paper is on the eulogiae that Sava of Serbia, on his pilgrimage in the Holy Land, sent to the abbot of Studenica, Spyridon: a little cross, a little belt, a little towel and a little stone. In his letter accompanying the gifts, the earliest surviving work of Serbian epistolary literature, Sava points to their prayer and protective function. Sava's eulogiae are looked at against the background of Eastern Christian devotional practices.",
publisher = "Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts",
journal = "Balcanica",
title = "Eulogiae Terrae Sanctae of St Sava of Serbia",
pages = "55-69",
number = "XLV",
doi = "10.2298/BALC1445055P",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4884"
}
Popović, D.. (2014). Eulogiae Terrae Sanctae of St Sava of Serbia. in Balcanica
Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts.(XLV), 55-69.
https://doi.org/10.2298/BALC1445055P
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4884
Popović D. Eulogiae Terrae Sanctae of St Sava of Serbia. in Balcanica. 2014;(XLV):55-69.
doi:10.2298/BALC1445055P
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4884 .
Popović, Danica, "Eulogiae Terrae Sanctae of St Sava of Serbia" in Balcanica, no. XLV (2014):55-69,
https://doi.org/10.2298/BALC1445055P .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4884 .
1

When was king Stefan the first-crowned included among the saints? A contribution to the study of royal “canonization” in medieval Serbia

Popović, Danica

(Institute for Byzantine Studies of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, 2013)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Popović, Danica
PY  - 2013
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/4881
UR  - http://www.doiserbia.nb.rs/img/doi/0584-9888/2013/0584-98881302573P.pdf
AB  - The surviving sources suggest that St Sava of Serbia was, as part of the programme of securing sacral legitimacy for the state and dynasty, setting the scene for the inclusion of his brother Stefan, the first-crowned Serbian king, among the saints. This part of the programme was not fully realized, but the focus of the cult was on the incorrupt relics. The cult of Stefan the First-Crowned was not rounded off until the seventeenth century, when the Patriarch Paisios wrote a vita and a service. The development of the cult over the centuries (from the 13th to the 20th century) was a direct reflection of changing historical circumstances and the prevailing ideology of rulership. [Projekat Ministarstva nauke Republike Srbije, br. 177003 (Srednjovekovno nasleđe Balkana - institucije i kultura]
PB  - Institute for Byzantine Studies of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts
T2  - Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta
T1  - When was king Stefan the first-crowned included among the saints? A contribution to the study of royal “canonization” in medieval Serbia
T1  - Када је краљ Стефан Првовенчани уврштен у светитеље? Прилог проучавању владарске "канонизације" у средњовековној Србији
SP  - 573
EP  - 585
IS  - 50-2
DO  - 10.2298/ZRVI1350573P
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4881
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Popović, Danica",
year = "2013",
abstract = "The surviving sources suggest that St Sava of Serbia was, as part of the programme of securing sacral legitimacy for the state and dynasty, setting the scene for the inclusion of his brother Stefan, the first-crowned Serbian king, among the saints. This part of the programme was not fully realized, but the focus of the cult was on the incorrupt relics. The cult of Stefan the First-Crowned was not rounded off until the seventeenth century, when the Patriarch Paisios wrote a vita and a service. The development of the cult over the centuries (from the 13th to the 20th century) was a direct reflection of changing historical circumstances and the prevailing ideology of rulership. [Projekat Ministarstva nauke Republike Srbije, br. 177003 (Srednjovekovno nasleđe Balkana - institucije i kultura]",
publisher = "Institute for Byzantine Studies of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts",
journal = "Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta",
title = "When was king Stefan the first-crowned included among the saints? A contribution to the study of royal “canonization” in medieval Serbia, Када је краљ Стефан Првовенчани уврштен у светитеље? Прилог проучавању владарске "канонизације" у средњовековној Србији",
pages = "573-585",
number = "50-2",
doi = "10.2298/ZRVI1350573P",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4881"
}
Popović, D.. (2013). When was king Stefan the first-crowned included among the saints? A contribution to the study of royal “canonization” in medieval Serbia. in Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta
Institute for Byzantine Studies of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts.(50-2), 573-585.
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1350573P
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4881
Popović D. When was king Stefan the first-crowned included among the saints? A contribution to the study of royal “canonization” in medieval Serbia. in Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta. 2013;(50-2):573-585.
doi:10.2298/ZRVI1350573P
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4881 .
Popović, Danica, "When was king Stefan the first-crowned included among the saints? A contribution to the study of royal “canonization” in medieval Serbia" in Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 50-2 (2013):573-585,
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1350573P .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4881 .
1

A staurotheke of Serbian provenance in Pienza

Popović, Danica

(2012)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Popović, Danica
PY  - 2012
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/4877
AB  - The paper discusses the virtually unpublished reliquary of Serbian provenance now kept in the Museo Diocesano in Pienza. It tackles the issue of the typology of the staurotheke, its decoration and symbolic significance. Based on its Old-Serbian inscription, “Sava, the first archbishop and patriarch of the Serbs”, the reliquary is dated to the last quarter of the fourteenth century and related to the programme of the Serbian Patriarchate. The surviving sources make it possible to reconstruct the road the staurotheke travelled from the treasuries of Žiča and the Patriarchate of Peć to Pienza. [Projekat Ministarstva nauke Republike Srbije, br. 177003: Medieval heritage of the Balkans: Institutions and culture]
T2  - Zograf
T1  - A staurotheke of Serbian provenance in Pienza
SP  - 157
EP  - 170
IS  - 36
DO  - 10.2298/ZOG1236157P
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4877
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Popović, Danica",
year = "2012",
abstract = "The paper discusses the virtually unpublished reliquary of Serbian provenance now kept in the Museo Diocesano in Pienza. It tackles the issue of the typology of the staurotheke, its decoration and symbolic significance. Based on its Old-Serbian inscription, “Sava, the first archbishop and patriarch of the Serbs”, the reliquary is dated to the last quarter of the fourteenth century and related to the programme of the Serbian Patriarchate. The surviving sources make it possible to reconstruct the road the staurotheke travelled from the treasuries of Žiča and the Patriarchate of Peć to Pienza. [Projekat Ministarstva nauke Republike Srbije, br. 177003: Medieval heritage of the Balkans: Institutions and culture]",
journal = "Zograf",
title = "A staurotheke of Serbian provenance in Pienza",
pages = "157-170",
number = "36",
doi = "10.2298/ZOG1236157P",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4877"
}
Popović, D.. (2012). A staurotheke of Serbian provenance in Pienza. in Zograf(36), 157-170.
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZOG1236157P
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4877
Popović D. A staurotheke of Serbian provenance in Pienza. in Zograf. 2012;(36):157-170.
doi:10.2298/ZOG1236157P
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4877 .
Popović, Danica, "A staurotheke of Serbian provenance in Pienza" in Zograf, no. 36 (2012):157-170,
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZOG1236157P .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4877 .
2
9
6

Alexei Lidov: Hierotopy: Spatial Icons and Image-Paradigms in Byzantine Culture, Moscow, 2009, pp. 351

Popović, Danica

(Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, 2011)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Popović, Danica
PY  - 2011
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/4329
PB  - Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts
T2  - Balcanica
T1  - Alexei Lidov: Hierotopy: Spatial Icons and Image-Paradigms in Byzantine Culture, Moscow, 2009, pp. 351
SP  - 217
EP  - 221
IS  - XLII
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4329
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Popović, Danica",
year = "2011",
publisher = "Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts",
journal = "Balcanica",
title = "Alexei Lidov: Hierotopy: Spatial Icons and Image-Paradigms in Byzantine Culture, Moscow, 2009, pp. 351",
pages = "217-221",
number = "XLII",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4329"
}
Popović, D.. (2011). Alexei Lidov: Hierotopy: Spatial Icons and Image-Paradigms in Byzantine Culture, Moscow, 2009, pp. 351. in Balcanica
Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts.(XLII), 217-221.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4329
Popović D. Alexei Lidov: Hierotopy: Spatial Icons and Image-Paradigms in Byzantine Culture, Moscow, 2009, pp. 351. in Balcanica. 2011;(XLII):217-221.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4329 .
Popović, Danica, "Alexei Lidov: Hierotopy: Spatial Icons and Image-Paradigms in Byzantine Culture, Moscow, 2009, pp. 351" in Balcanica, no. XLII (2011):217-221,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4329 .

Flower symbolism and the cult of relics in medieval Serbia

Popović, Danica

(Faculty of Philosophy, Belgrade, 2008)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Popović, Danica
PY  - 2008
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/4880
UR  - http://www.doiserbia.nb.rs/img/doi/0350-1361/2008/0350-13610832069P.pdf
AB  - The Life of archbishop Eustathios I [Jevstatije] (1279-1286), deserving head of the medieval Serbian Church and a saint, is a very interesting source for studying the cult of relics with the Serbs. This is not surprising considering that the Life was penned by one of the most illustrious of Eustathios' successors on the church throne, Daniel II [Danilo], a learned Athonite and unquestionable master of the hagiographie literary genre. In his account of the life of his distinguished predecessor, Daniel describes extensively the events constituting the key stage in the glorification of a saint, namely Eustathios' death and posthumous occurrences at his grave. As most holy men, Eustathios foresaw his own death, and he departed from this world serenely. He was buried, with due honours, in the 'marble grave' he had prepared for himself in the cathedral church of Holy Saviour at Žiča. In keeping with the well-established saint-making process, a few years after the funeral 'extraordinary signs' began to occur at the archbishop's grave, in this particular case, candlelight and a multitude of murmuring voices followed by the miraculous cure of an incurably ill person. These occurrences preceded the great miracle which, to the best of my knowledge, is unparalleled in the medieval Serbian practice of relic veneration. Namely, 'one day they found growing from his marble grave three flowers endowed with wondrous beauty and impossible to liken to anything else. For, indeed, they were not of earthly humidity or of union with flowers that grow from earth; but, o wonder, how a dry stone standing for so long in the church could send forth fragrant flowers, to the renewal of the sanctified one's body'. Flower metaphors occur in the Service to the holy archbishop Eustathios, yet another piece penned by Daniel II, notably in his paraphrases of Psalm 92, 12-14 ('The righteous shall flourish like the palm tree: he shall grow like a cedar in Lebanon. These that be planted in the house of the Lord shall flourish in the courts of our God'). The meaning of these quotations should be looked at within a broader framework, that of the medieval theology of relics where flower symbolism played a significant role. The close link between flowers and relics had its origin in the martyrological tradition and was founded on the belief that the martyrs' heavenly abode is a paradisiacal locus amoenus, a garden with springs of fresh water, lush greenery and copious flowers. It is well known that such a vision of paradeisos - a reconstruction of the Garden of Eden lost through Adam's fall, and an anticipation of the future heavenly abode - was a commonplace in the Byzantine tradition. It found its full expression in the concept of monastic gardens, conceived of as the earthly image of the fragrant flowery meadows of paradise inhabited by the righteous. Two flowers highly charged with symbolic power were the lily and the rose, considered as being paradise flowers, flowers of martyrdom and holiness. Early Christian exegesis often referred to the martyrs as flores martyrum, and to their bodies as heavenly flowers. This connection between relics and flowers involves several aspects that are relevant to understanding the miraculous episode at the grave of archbishop Eustathios. Essential from the theological point of view is the association, deeply rooted in the antique world, between flowers and death and rebirth. This belief in the transforming power of flowers, rejuvenation and renewal of life, found its full expression in a complex and very popular springtime rite - dies rosationes - when the graves of the ancestors were visited and adorned with flowers. The Christianized version of this belief may be illustrated by the words of the prophet Isaiah (66, 14): 'And when you see this, your heart shall rejoice, and your bones shall flourish like an herb.' Needless to say, the doctrine of the resurrection of mankind, rebirth and life everlasting lies at the heart of Christian teaching. Another essential aspect of this subject is the phenomenon of exuding a sweet smell or fragrance, which is in a direct functional connection with flowers. Recent work has shown convincingly how complex and diffuse meanings of this subject are, especially with regard to the relationship between fragrance and fundamental Christian beliefs about the nature, redemption and resurrection of the human body, ascetic practices, or the cult of relics. One of the starting points in Christian exegesis was the message in the Second Epistle to the Corinthians (2,14-16) about Christ and the 'savour of his knowledge', interpreted as the 'savour of life' as opposed to the 'savour of death'. Along the same lines, St Ambrose refers to the 'fragrance of resurrection' as anticipating life everlasting. Ephrem the Syrian, who was instrumental in shaping the theological notion of fragrance, argues that a sweet smell is a vehicle for recognizing divine blessing, receiving revelation and sending it out into the world, as at the descent of the Holy Spirit upon the apostles. Eschatological symbolism connected with flowers and scents played an important role in the cult of relics. Fragrance, as is well known, was a key indicator of sanctity and a sign of divine presence. A similar, transcendental, meaning was assigned to other elements of the ritual of elevatio and depositio of relics: resplendent polychrome ornamentation of the coffin, various perfume oils and aromatics, lavish shrouds, flowers laid onto the grave. This is a phenomenon which researchers have recognized, and with good reason, as a distinctive type of 'aesthetics' or religious sensibility which may be traced back to late antiquity and its marked penchant for flowers, bright colours and luminous effects. Finally, this theme has yet another level of meaning that is well worthy of mention: flowers as a metaphor for piety, virtue and ascetic values. This sort of fragrance originates from Christian virtues and deeds - devotion, fasting and prayer - and in particular from the ascetic way of life. The link between fragrance, flower symbolism and asceticism is a distinctive and very popular topos in Christian literature. It also has biblical models, such as, for example, Isaiah 35,1: 'The wilderness and the solitary place shall be glad for them; and desert shall rejoice, and blossom as the rose.' Exegetes interpreted the concept of the desert in a seemingly paradoxical way as anchoretic paradise and a place of plenty with a multitude of flowers in bloom - metaphor for monks and their virtues. The syntagm desertum floridus, therefore, has not only a strong internal logic, but also a precisely delineated field of meaning. Namely, the main goal of the desert fathers was to 'reconstruct' the Garden of Eden in their own living environments and thus anticipate the future heavenly gardens. The notions contained in the relic-related 'ideology' and practice of the Byzantine world elicited a creative response in the Balkans. The motif of flowers and their fragrance as a metaphor for paradise, triumph over death and rebirth in Christ was given its due place in the process of creating regional and national saintly cults. This may be seen from the texts written for the needs of the cults, such as, for exam-80 pie, the Life of St John of Rila, where the saint's relics are likened to a 'fragrant lily'. Particularly interesting for the subject here discussed is a description of the signs occurring at the grave of St Joachim of Osogov, because it provides a direct analogy with the miraculous uncovering of the relics of archbishop Eustathios. Namely, according to the hagiographer, at that very moment the earth above the grave rose up and the grave became surrounded with many a fragrant flower. In the Serbian environment such ideas can be traced back to the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries or the time of St Sava and Stefan the First-Crowned, that is, the time of the establishment of the cult of their father Nemanja (in monkhood Simeon), the founder of the dynasty. It is quite understandable, then, that the motif of vine with its offshoots, blossoms and fruit became an element of royal ideology in the early days of the medieval Serbian state. Namely, the metaphorical likening of Nemanja's dynasty to a vine laid an emphasis on the idea of dynastic divine election and sanctity. It is already the Service to St Simeon that uses the habitual paraphrase of Psalm 92,12-14 about the flourishing palm tree and Lebanese cedar, but in a distinctive context: their growth and flourishing refers to the growth of Simeon's 'children', which is to say the dynasty and the 'fatherland'. The idea of life-giving growth and thriving is illustrated by other epithets ascribed to Simeon, such as a 'fruit-bearing vine', 'wonderful heaven', a 'flower of faith in the heavenly vineyard', and so on. It should be emphasized that the authors of the eulogies of Simeon, his sons Stefan and Sava, were well-acquainted with the concept of the monastic desert, epitomized by Mount Athos whose attributes are blossoming, fragrance and illumination. Subsequent Serbian writers also made ample use of the idea of the miraculous blossoming and transformation of matter, especially in paraphrasing Psalm 92,12-14. Their paraphrases are never identical, however; on the contrary, the emphasis varies both in substance and in function. Apart from 'ideological' messages about the flourishing dynasty and state, the verses of this psalm are usually used to refer to piety and a virtuous life. It probably is not a coincidence that such references frequently occur in the eulogies to the sainted heads of the Serbian Church, but also to distinguished ascetics. Thus St Sava, 'like a good-smelling lily, is saturated with scents of piety', archbishop Nikodemos [Nikodim] blossoms like a 'fine-growing palm tree', and patriarch Ephrem [Jefrem] 'blossoms offering spiritual gifts'. The virtue attained by two distinguished anchorites, St Peter of Koriša [Petar Koriški] and St Ioannikios of Devič [Joanikije Devički], is described in much the same way. Blossoming as a metaphor for virtuousness and the ascetic struggle did not draw solely upon Psalm 92; it was evoked by a variety of poetic images. The Service to the holy king Milutin, for example, refers to the 'most beautiful flowers of piety', 'diverse flowers of [the king's] many good works', to 'paradise and the lovely lily' or the 'mysterious rose blooming with good works'. The understanding of the ascetic struggle and withdrawal to the desert as a major source of heavenly fragrance and blooming is elaborated with much erudition by Theodosios of Hilandar [Teodosije Hilandarac]. He describes St Sava of Serbia as a 'desert disciple; a child of calling, an offshoot of quietness, a branch of abstinence, a flower of fasting, a fruit of humbleness, perfected by love and compassion'. Theodosios makes ample use of metaphors to describe fragrance as a sign of sanctity and as a vehicle for knowing the higher truth through sensory experience, the truth granted by revelation and divine grace. Similar poetic imagery is found even in post-Kosovo Serbian literature when the predominant saintly model becomes that of the martyr ruler. Thus Gregory Tsamblak [Grigorije Camblak] likens the relics of Stefan of Decani to the flowers of martyrdom and associates them with illumination: 'For at first he grew in your midst as a fragrant rose, and now, amidst the martyrs, he shines forth as a bright star.' Similar attributes were accorded to the relics of the greatest martyr of Kosovo, holy prince Lazar, likened by the writer of his Service to the rose and the lily. The traditional topos of blooming and renewal in the context of the cult of relics continued into the modern age, and in various domains of culture. In the jurisdictional area of the Patriarchate of Pec, this is particularly noticeable in the work of patriarch Paisios [Pajsije] (1614-1647). His programmatic reestablishment of the cults of the Nemanjićs was predicated on theological and poetic models found in the medieval literary legacy. Similar developments are observable in the veneration of the Serbian saints north of the Sava and the Danube between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries. The concept of a new lineage, that of the Brankovićs of Srem, of its flourishing and fruits, lay at the heart of the religio-political programme of the Metropolitanate of Krušedol, later of Karlovci, and was used as one of major historical arguments for the legitimacy of the Serbian presence in the region. A distinctive aspect of this theme is the materialization, conditionally speaking, of the concept of the blossoming, growth and enlivening of matter as a paradigm of the future resurrection and heavenly abodes. For understandable reasons, this was the central message communicated by Eastern Christian gravestones. Apart from other symbolical and allegorical signs, it was expressed by way of blooming lilies, flowers, foliate vines and fruits. This is observable in the funerary practice of medieval Serbia, too, but its distinctive feature, to judge from the surviving material, is in that this repertoire occurs in the form of a rounded-off programme on the representative tombs of the heads of the church. Particularly important of these are the marble sarcophagi at the Patriarchate of Pec with their semantically highly stratified ornamentation. The idea of resurrection and heavenly bliss is expressed through motifs such as arcades, blossoming crosses, rosette flowers, foliate vines, lilies etc. Given the symbolical nature and metaphorical and associative qualities of Byzantine funerary sculpture, there are good reasons to believe that this decoration in fact evoked texts such as Psalm 92, 12-14 about the future life of the righteous in the house of the Lord. It is in the light of these considerations that we should look at all aspects of the grave of archbishop Eustathios I and the posthumous miracles that occurred at it. A particularly interesting question is whether the story about the miracle with flowers was reflected in the decoration of his tomb. This should be cautiously allowed, given Felix Kanitz's eyewitness record of 1860 that Eustathios' grave was marked with a marble monument with the lid engraved with a cross on a stepped base and a six-petal flower. This lid, now lost, is known from Kanitz's drawing. This may be a mere coincidence, but the fact remains that this decoration has no analogy in the surviving gravemarkers of the heads of the Serbian Church, and that just as unique is Daniel II's narrative about the flowers miraculously growing from Eustathios' grave. What led Daniel II to use, for the first and last time in his work, flower metaphors to describe the posthumous miracles at Eustathios' grave, remains unknown. And yet, there is no doubt that Eustathios I's 'life and deeds' provided a strong defence for the 'fragrance of virtue' and attributes of the heavenly abode manifested by his body. Namely, his ha-giography, both in details and as a whole, and regardless of whether drawing upon hagiographie commonplaces or historical facts, indeed suggests a person profoundly committed to living the life of an 'earthly angel'. This is demonstrated by the stages of his path: longing for a solitary life from early days, withdrawal from the world, taking of monastic vows, devotion to all monastic duties. Moreover, Eustathios was one of those prelates who looked up to St Sava of Serbia and built their habitus in the most illustrious Christian deserts, withdrawing to Athos and making pilgrimages to Jerusalem and the Judean Desert. Eustathios' lifestyle and service was accommodated to supreme models, and its course and stages clearly suggest a person consciously prepared for the highest offices in the hierarchy. At first appointed hegumen of the monastery of Hilandar on Mount Athos, upon his return to Serbia he became bishop of Zeta, and eventually was elevated to archbishop of Serbia with the blessing and under the patronage of king Dragutin. Daniel II does not fail to describe, using standard topoi, his Christian and pastoral virtues, with a special emphasis on the ascetic aspect of his personality. And yet, what made Eustathios a truly outstanding person were his charisma and his holiness, which Daniel portrays using hesychast concepts such as praxis and vision. The same meaning resides in phrases such as 'well-reasoned discernment' and 'well-reasoned words', fundamental notions in Christian ascetic literature. Such abilities, regarded as being God's gift and a charismatic quality of the highest order, were the true source of the authority that the renowned abbasascetics enjoyed among the larger populace of medieval society. According to Christian beliefs, it was this category of 'holy men' - recipients of divine grace - that was granted the privilege of having their relics exude the 'fragrance of virtue' like paradisiacal flowers. This seems to be the framework in which the true meaning of the 'extraordinary sight' at the grave of Eustathios I at Žiča should be understood.
PB  - Faculty of Philosophy, Belgrade
T2  - Zograf
T1  - Flower symbolism and the cult of relics in medieval Serbia
SP  - 69
EP  - 81
IS  - 32
DO  - 10.2298/ZOG0832069P
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4880
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Popović, Danica",
year = "2008",
abstract = "The Life of archbishop Eustathios I [Jevstatije] (1279-1286), deserving head of the medieval Serbian Church and a saint, is a very interesting source for studying the cult of relics with the Serbs. This is not surprising considering that the Life was penned by one of the most illustrious of Eustathios' successors on the church throne, Daniel II [Danilo], a learned Athonite and unquestionable master of the hagiographie literary genre. In his account of the life of his distinguished predecessor, Daniel describes extensively the events constituting the key stage in the glorification of a saint, namely Eustathios' death and posthumous occurrences at his grave. As most holy men, Eustathios foresaw his own death, and he departed from this world serenely. He was buried, with due honours, in the 'marble grave' he had prepared for himself in the cathedral church of Holy Saviour at Žiča. In keeping with the well-established saint-making process, a few years after the funeral 'extraordinary signs' began to occur at the archbishop's grave, in this particular case, candlelight and a multitude of murmuring voices followed by the miraculous cure of an incurably ill person. These occurrences preceded the great miracle which, to the best of my knowledge, is unparalleled in the medieval Serbian practice of relic veneration. Namely, 'one day they found growing from his marble grave three flowers endowed with wondrous beauty and impossible to liken to anything else. For, indeed, they were not of earthly humidity or of union with flowers that grow from earth; but, o wonder, how a dry stone standing for so long in the church could send forth fragrant flowers, to the renewal of the sanctified one's body'. Flower metaphors occur in the Service to the holy archbishop Eustathios, yet another piece penned by Daniel II, notably in his paraphrases of Psalm 92, 12-14 ('The righteous shall flourish like the palm tree: he shall grow like a cedar in Lebanon. These that be planted in the house of the Lord shall flourish in the courts of our God'). The meaning of these quotations should be looked at within a broader framework, that of the medieval theology of relics where flower symbolism played a significant role. The close link between flowers and relics had its origin in the martyrological tradition and was founded on the belief that the martyrs' heavenly abode is a paradisiacal locus amoenus, a garden with springs of fresh water, lush greenery and copious flowers. It is well known that such a vision of paradeisos - a reconstruction of the Garden of Eden lost through Adam's fall, and an anticipation of the future heavenly abode - was a commonplace in the Byzantine tradition. It found its full expression in the concept of monastic gardens, conceived of as the earthly image of the fragrant flowery meadows of paradise inhabited by the righteous. Two flowers highly charged with symbolic power were the lily and the rose, considered as being paradise flowers, flowers of martyrdom and holiness. Early Christian exegesis often referred to the martyrs as flores martyrum, and to their bodies as heavenly flowers. This connection between relics and flowers involves several aspects that are relevant to understanding the miraculous episode at the grave of archbishop Eustathios. Essential from the theological point of view is the association, deeply rooted in the antique world, between flowers and death and rebirth. This belief in the transforming power of flowers, rejuvenation and renewal of life, found its full expression in a complex and very popular springtime rite - dies rosationes - when the graves of the ancestors were visited and adorned with flowers. The Christianized version of this belief may be illustrated by the words of the prophet Isaiah (66, 14): 'And when you see this, your heart shall rejoice, and your bones shall flourish like an herb.' Needless to say, the doctrine of the resurrection of mankind, rebirth and life everlasting lies at the heart of Christian teaching. Another essential aspect of this subject is the phenomenon of exuding a sweet smell or fragrance, which is in a direct functional connection with flowers. Recent work has shown convincingly how complex and diffuse meanings of this subject are, especially with regard to the relationship between fragrance and fundamental Christian beliefs about the nature, redemption and resurrection of the human body, ascetic practices, or the cult of relics. One of the starting points in Christian exegesis was the message in the Second Epistle to the Corinthians (2,14-16) about Christ and the 'savour of his knowledge', interpreted as the 'savour of life' as opposed to the 'savour of death'. Along the same lines, St Ambrose refers to the 'fragrance of resurrection' as anticipating life everlasting. Ephrem the Syrian, who was instrumental in shaping the theological notion of fragrance, argues that a sweet smell is a vehicle for recognizing divine blessing, receiving revelation and sending it out into the world, as at the descent of the Holy Spirit upon the apostles. Eschatological symbolism connected with flowers and scents played an important role in the cult of relics. Fragrance, as is well known, was a key indicator of sanctity and a sign of divine presence. A similar, transcendental, meaning was assigned to other elements of the ritual of elevatio and depositio of relics: resplendent polychrome ornamentation of the coffin, various perfume oils and aromatics, lavish shrouds, flowers laid onto the grave. This is a phenomenon which researchers have recognized, and with good reason, as a distinctive type of 'aesthetics' or religious sensibility which may be traced back to late antiquity and its marked penchant for flowers, bright colours and luminous effects. Finally, this theme has yet another level of meaning that is well worthy of mention: flowers as a metaphor for piety, virtue and ascetic values. This sort of fragrance originates from Christian virtues and deeds - devotion, fasting and prayer - and in particular from the ascetic way of life. The link between fragrance, flower symbolism and asceticism is a distinctive and very popular topos in Christian literature. It also has biblical models, such as, for example, Isaiah 35,1: 'The wilderness and the solitary place shall be glad for them; and desert shall rejoice, and blossom as the rose.' Exegetes interpreted the concept of the desert in a seemingly paradoxical way as anchoretic paradise and a place of plenty with a multitude of flowers in bloom - metaphor for monks and their virtues. The syntagm desertum floridus, therefore, has not only a strong internal logic, but also a precisely delineated field of meaning. Namely, the main goal of the desert fathers was to 'reconstruct' the Garden of Eden in their own living environments and thus anticipate the future heavenly gardens. The notions contained in the relic-related 'ideology' and practice of the Byzantine world elicited a creative response in the Balkans. The motif of flowers and their fragrance as a metaphor for paradise, triumph over death and rebirth in Christ was given its due place in the process of creating regional and national saintly cults. This may be seen from the texts written for the needs of the cults, such as, for exam-80 pie, the Life of St John of Rila, where the saint's relics are likened to a 'fragrant lily'. Particularly interesting for the subject here discussed is a description of the signs occurring at the grave of St Joachim of Osogov, because it provides a direct analogy with the miraculous uncovering of the relics of archbishop Eustathios. Namely, according to the hagiographer, at that very moment the earth above the grave rose up and the grave became surrounded with many a fragrant flower. In the Serbian environment such ideas can be traced back to the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries or the time of St Sava and Stefan the First-Crowned, that is, the time of the establishment of the cult of their father Nemanja (in monkhood Simeon), the founder of the dynasty. It is quite understandable, then, that the motif of vine with its offshoots, blossoms and fruit became an element of royal ideology in the early days of the medieval Serbian state. Namely, the metaphorical likening of Nemanja's dynasty to a vine laid an emphasis on the idea of dynastic divine election and sanctity. It is already the Service to St Simeon that uses the habitual paraphrase of Psalm 92,12-14 about the flourishing palm tree and Lebanese cedar, but in a distinctive context: their growth and flourishing refers to the growth of Simeon's 'children', which is to say the dynasty and the 'fatherland'. The idea of life-giving growth and thriving is illustrated by other epithets ascribed to Simeon, such as a 'fruit-bearing vine', 'wonderful heaven', a 'flower of faith in the heavenly vineyard', and so on. It should be emphasized that the authors of the eulogies of Simeon, his sons Stefan and Sava, were well-acquainted with the concept of the monastic desert, epitomized by Mount Athos whose attributes are blossoming, fragrance and illumination. Subsequent Serbian writers also made ample use of the idea of the miraculous blossoming and transformation of matter, especially in paraphrasing Psalm 92,12-14. Their paraphrases are never identical, however; on the contrary, the emphasis varies both in substance and in function. Apart from 'ideological' messages about the flourishing dynasty and state, the verses of this psalm are usually used to refer to piety and a virtuous life. It probably is not a coincidence that such references frequently occur in the eulogies to the sainted heads of the Serbian Church, but also to distinguished ascetics. Thus St Sava, 'like a good-smelling lily, is saturated with scents of piety', archbishop Nikodemos [Nikodim] blossoms like a 'fine-growing palm tree', and patriarch Ephrem [Jefrem] 'blossoms offering spiritual gifts'. The virtue attained by two distinguished anchorites, St Peter of Koriša [Petar Koriški] and St Ioannikios of Devič [Joanikije Devički], is described in much the same way. Blossoming as a metaphor for virtuousness and the ascetic struggle did not draw solely upon Psalm 92; it was evoked by a variety of poetic images. The Service to the holy king Milutin, for example, refers to the 'most beautiful flowers of piety', 'diverse flowers of [the king's] many good works', to 'paradise and the lovely lily' or the 'mysterious rose blooming with good works'. The understanding of the ascetic struggle and withdrawal to the desert as a major source of heavenly fragrance and blooming is elaborated with much erudition by Theodosios of Hilandar [Teodosije Hilandarac]. He describes St Sava of Serbia as a 'desert disciple; a child of calling, an offshoot of quietness, a branch of abstinence, a flower of fasting, a fruit of humbleness, perfected by love and compassion'. Theodosios makes ample use of metaphors to describe fragrance as a sign of sanctity and as a vehicle for knowing the higher truth through sensory experience, the truth granted by revelation and divine grace. Similar poetic imagery is found even in post-Kosovo Serbian literature when the predominant saintly model becomes that of the martyr ruler. Thus Gregory Tsamblak [Grigorije Camblak] likens the relics of Stefan of Decani to the flowers of martyrdom and associates them with illumination: 'For at first he grew in your midst as a fragrant rose, and now, amidst the martyrs, he shines forth as a bright star.' Similar attributes were accorded to the relics of the greatest martyr of Kosovo, holy prince Lazar, likened by the writer of his Service to the rose and the lily. The traditional topos of blooming and renewal in the context of the cult of relics continued into the modern age, and in various domains of culture. In the jurisdictional area of the Patriarchate of Pec, this is particularly noticeable in the work of patriarch Paisios [Pajsije] (1614-1647). His programmatic reestablishment of the cults of the Nemanjićs was predicated on theological and poetic models found in the medieval literary legacy. Similar developments are observable in the veneration of the Serbian saints north of the Sava and the Danube between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries. The concept of a new lineage, that of the Brankovićs of Srem, of its flourishing and fruits, lay at the heart of the religio-political programme of the Metropolitanate of Krušedol, later of Karlovci, and was used as one of major historical arguments for the legitimacy of the Serbian presence in the region. A distinctive aspect of this theme is the materialization, conditionally speaking, of the concept of the blossoming, growth and enlivening of matter as a paradigm of the future resurrection and heavenly abodes. For understandable reasons, this was the central message communicated by Eastern Christian gravestones. Apart from other symbolical and allegorical signs, it was expressed by way of blooming lilies, flowers, foliate vines and fruits. This is observable in the funerary practice of medieval Serbia, too, but its distinctive feature, to judge from the surviving material, is in that this repertoire occurs in the form of a rounded-off programme on the representative tombs of the heads of the church. Particularly important of these are the marble sarcophagi at the Patriarchate of Pec with their semantically highly stratified ornamentation. The idea of resurrection and heavenly bliss is expressed through motifs such as arcades, blossoming crosses, rosette flowers, foliate vines, lilies etc. Given the symbolical nature and metaphorical and associative qualities of Byzantine funerary sculpture, there are good reasons to believe that this decoration in fact evoked texts such as Psalm 92, 12-14 about the future life of the righteous in the house of the Lord. It is in the light of these considerations that we should look at all aspects of the grave of archbishop Eustathios I and the posthumous miracles that occurred at it. A particularly interesting question is whether the story about the miracle with flowers was reflected in the decoration of his tomb. This should be cautiously allowed, given Felix Kanitz's eyewitness record of 1860 that Eustathios' grave was marked with a marble monument with the lid engraved with a cross on a stepped base and a six-petal flower. This lid, now lost, is known from Kanitz's drawing. This may be a mere coincidence, but the fact remains that this decoration has no analogy in the surviving gravemarkers of the heads of the Serbian Church, and that just as unique is Daniel II's narrative about the flowers miraculously growing from Eustathios' grave. What led Daniel II to use, for the first and last time in his work, flower metaphors to describe the posthumous miracles at Eustathios' grave, remains unknown. And yet, there is no doubt that Eustathios I's 'life and deeds' provided a strong defence for the 'fragrance of virtue' and attributes of the heavenly abode manifested by his body. Namely, his ha-giography, both in details and as a whole, and regardless of whether drawing upon hagiographie commonplaces or historical facts, indeed suggests a person profoundly committed to living the life of an 'earthly angel'. This is demonstrated by the stages of his path: longing for a solitary life from early days, withdrawal from the world, taking of monastic vows, devotion to all monastic duties. Moreover, Eustathios was one of those prelates who looked up to St Sava of Serbia and built their habitus in the most illustrious Christian deserts, withdrawing to Athos and making pilgrimages to Jerusalem and the Judean Desert. Eustathios' lifestyle and service was accommodated to supreme models, and its course and stages clearly suggest a person consciously prepared for the highest offices in the hierarchy. At first appointed hegumen of the monastery of Hilandar on Mount Athos, upon his return to Serbia he became bishop of Zeta, and eventually was elevated to archbishop of Serbia with the blessing and under the patronage of king Dragutin. Daniel II does not fail to describe, using standard topoi, his Christian and pastoral virtues, with a special emphasis on the ascetic aspect of his personality. And yet, what made Eustathios a truly outstanding person were his charisma and his holiness, which Daniel portrays using hesychast concepts such as praxis and vision. The same meaning resides in phrases such as 'well-reasoned discernment' and 'well-reasoned words', fundamental notions in Christian ascetic literature. Such abilities, regarded as being God's gift and a charismatic quality of the highest order, were the true source of the authority that the renowned abbasascetics enjoyed among the larger populace of medieval society. According to Christian beliefs, it was this category of 'holy men' - recipients of divine grace - that was granted the privilege of having their relics exude the 'fragrance of virtue' like paradisiacal flowers. This seems to be the framework in which the true meaning of the 'extraordinary sight' at the grave of Eustathios I at Žiča should be understood.",
publisher = "Faculty of Philosophy, Belgrade",
journal = "Zograf",
title = "Flower symbolism and the cult of relics in medieval Serbia",
pages = "69-81",
number = "32",
doi = "10.2298/ZOG0832069P",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4880"
}
Popović, D.. (2008). Flower symbolism and the cult of relics in medieval Serbia. in Zograf
Faculty of Philosophy, Belgrade.(32), 69-81.
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZOG0832069P
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4880
Popović D. Flower symbolism and the cult of relics in medieval Serbia. in Zograf. 2008;(32):69-81.
doi:10.2298/ZOG0832069P
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4880 .
Popović, Danica, "Flower symbolism and the cult of relics in medieval Serbia" in Zograf, no. 32 (2008):69-81,
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZOG0832069P .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4880 .
1

Deserts and holy mountains of medieval Serbia: Written sources, spatial patterns, architectural designs

Popović, Danica

(2007)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Popović, Danica
PY  - 2007
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/4878
AB  - Essential concepts in Christian thought and practice, the desert and holy mountain denote a particular kind of monastic and sacral space. They are secluded from the world, intended for asceticism, and ambivalent in nature they are inhospitable and menacing zones populated with demons, but also a monastic paradise, places for spiritual conversion and encounter with the divine. From earliest times, deserts and holy mountains had a few distinguishing characteristics. All forms of monastic life, from communal to solitary, were practiced side by side there. Monks of a special make-up and distinction known as holy men who were also often founders of illustrious communities, future saints and miracle-workers acted there. Furthermore these locales were important spiritual and bookmaking centre's, and therefore, strongholds of Orthodoxy. When trying to research Serbian material on this topic, we face a specific situation: few surviving sources on the one hand, and devastated monuments on the other. The ultimate consequence is that the entire subject has been neglected. Therefore the study of the Serbian deserts and holy mountains requires a very complex interdisciplinary approach with systematic field work as its essential part. It should address the following issues: corroboration, on the basis of written sources, of the reception of the concept of the monastic desert and holy mountain in a particular, regional, context; the distinct means and mechanisms employed in their physical realization; interpretation of their function; the recognition of patterns preserved in the surviving physical structures. Even the results obtained so far appear to be relevant enough to become included in the sacral topography of the Christian world. The author of this study gives particular attention to the detailed analysis of written sources of various genres - diplomatic sources, hagiographic material, liturgical texts, observation notes - in order to establish the meaning and the function of the monastic locales labeled as deserts and holy mountains (and, in a limited number of cases, also known as caves). The most important conclusions that may be drawn would be the following: the terms are interchangeable and were used both in a broader and a narrower sense, but in either case in reference to the space intended for higher forms of monastic life. A particularly broad range of meanings had the term desert which could refer to a distinct locale, as a rule a river gorge, or a mountain inhabited by hermits, but also a cave hermitage, the hesychasterion of a coenobitic community. The distinct forms of monastic life in such areas were communities of two or three or a few monks, organized as a skete or as a cell. In the deserts and mountains hermits primarily pursued the practice of 'agon and hesychia', but were also engaged in manuscript copying - an important peculiarity of Serbian eremitic monasticism. Finally, such locales were thought of by their dwellers as spiritual cities and the narrow path leading to Heavenly Jerusalem. The other thematic focus is an analysis of spatial patterns and architectural structures based on the relevant examples studied so far. Different types of monastic communities functioning as deserts were considered, from the point of view of their spatial situation and their relationship to the coenobia. In this context, field research identified examples of the so-called internal deserts, which was reconfirmed by the records from written sources. Special attention was given to the mechanism for creating a holy mount in the Serbian environment, according to the recognizable, athonite model. Also analyzed were architectural solutions characteristic of Serbian monastic deserts, from the simplest ones such as wooden huts and walled-up caves to monumental multi-storied edifices, equipped with different features. Finally, the conclusions that have been reached serve as a basis for defining future priorities in the field research of this topic.
T2  - Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta
T1  - Deserts and holy mountains of medieval Serbia: Written sources, spatial patterns, architectural designs
SP  - 253
EP  - 274
IS  - 44
DO  - 10.2298/ZRVI0744253P
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4878
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Popović, Danica",
year = "2007",
abstract = "Essential concepts in Christian thought and practice, the desert and holy mountain denote a particular kind of monastic and sacral space. They are secluded from the world, intended for asceticism, and ambivalent in nature they are inhospitable and menacing zones populated with demons, but also a monastic paradise, places for spiritual conversion and encounter with the divine. From earliest times, deserts and holy mountains had a few distinguishing characteristics. All forms of monastic life, from communal to solitary, were practiced side by side there. Monks of a special make-up and distinction known as holy men who were also often founders of illustrious communities, future saints and miracle-workers acted there. Furthermore these locales were important spiritual and bookmaking centre's, and therefore, strongholds of Orthodoxy. When trying to research Serbian material on this topic, we face a specific situation: few surviving sources on the one hand, and devastated monuments on the other. The ultimate consequence is that the entire subject has been neglected. Therefore the study of the Serbian deserts and holy mountains requires a very complex interdisciplinary approach with systematic field work as its essential part. It should address the following issues: corroboration, on the basis of written sources, of the reception of the concept of the monastic desert and holy mountain in a particular, regional, context; the distinct means and mechanisms employed in their physical realization; interpretation of their function; the recognition of patterns preserved in the surviving physical structures. Even the results obtained so far appear to be relevant enough to become included in the sacral topography of the Christian world. The author of this study gives particular attention to the detailed analysis of written sources of various genres - diplomatic sources, hagiographic material, liturgical texts, observation notes - in order to establish the meaning and the function of the monastic locales labeled as deserts and holy mountains (and, in a limited number of cases, also known as caves). The most important conclusions that may be drawn would be the following: the terms are interchangeable and were used both in a broader and a narrower sense, but in either case in reference to the space intended for higher forms of monastic life. A particularly broad range of meanings had the term desert which could refer to a distinct locale, as a rule a river gorge, or a mountain inhabited by hermits, but also a cave hermitage, the hesychasterion of a coenobitic community. The distinct forms of monastic life in such areas were communities of two or three or a few monks, organized as a skete or as a cell. In the deserts and mountains hermits primarily pursued the practice of 'agon and hesychia', but were also engaged in manuscript copying - an important peculiarity of Serbian eremitic monasticism. Finally, such locales were thought of by their dwellers as spiritual cities and the narrow path leading to Heavenly Jerusalem. The other thematic focus is an analysis of spatial patterns and architectural structures based on the relevant examples studied so far. Different types of monastic communities functioning as deserts were considered, from the point of view of their spatial situation and their relationship to the coenobia. In this context, field research identified examples of the so-called internal deserts, which was reconfirmed by the records from written sources. Special attention was given to the mechanism for creating a holy mount in the Serbian environment, according to the recognizable, athonite model. Also analyzed were architectural solutions characteristic of Serbian monastic deserts, from the simplest ones such as wooden huts and walled-up caves to monumental multi-storied edifices, equipped with different features. Finally, the conclusions that have been reached serve as a basis for defining future priorities in the field research of this topic.",
journal = "Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta",
title = "Deserts and holy mountains of medieval Serbia: Written sources, spatial patterns, architectural designs",
pages = "253-274",
number = "44",
doi = "10.2298/ZRVI0744253P",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4878"
}
Popović, D.. (2007). Deserts and holy mountains of medieval Serbia: Written sources, spatial patterns, architectural designs. in Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta(44), 253-274.
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI0744253P
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4878
Popović D. Deserts and holy mountains of medieval Serbia: Written sources, spatial patterns, architectural designs. in Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta. 2007;(44):253-274.
doi:10.2298/ZRVI0744253P
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4878 .
Popović, Danica, "Deserts and holy mountains of medieval Serbia: Written sources, spatial patterns, architectural designs" in Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 44 (2007):253-274,
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI0744253P .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4878 .
2

Patriarch Ephrem: A late medieval saintly cult

Popović, Danica

(Institute for Byzantine Studies of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, 2006)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Popović, Danica
PY  - 2006
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/4882
UR  - http://www.doiserbia.nb.rs/img/doi/0584-9888/2006/0584-98880643111P.pdf
AB  - Patriarch Ephrem, monk and hermit, writer and saint, Bulgarian-born but twice the leader of the Serbian Church (1375-78 and 1389-92), is an outstanding figure of the late medieval Balkans. His "life and works" are discussed here in the light of hagiological texts and the information provided by various types of sources with the view to drawing some historically relevant conclusions. The main source of information about Ephrem's life and activity are the eulogies, Life and service composed by bishop Mark, his disciple and loyal follower for twenty-three years. Making use of hagiographical topica combined with plentiful data of undoubted documentary value, he relates the story of Ephrem's life through all of its major stages: from his birth and youth to his withdrawal from the world and taking of a monk's habit. Of formative influence were his years on the Holy Mount Athos, where he experienced different styles of monastic life, coenobitic, as well as solitary, which he practiced in the well-known hermitages in the heights of Athos. The further course of Ephrem's life was decided by the turbulent developments in the Balkans brought about by the Ottoman conquests. In that sense, his biography, full of forced and voluntary resettlements, is a true expression of the spirit of the times. Forced to flee Mount Athos, Ephrem made a short stay in Bulgaria and then, about 1347, came to Serbia, where he spent the rest of his life. An eminent representative of the monastic elite and under the aegis of the Serbian patriarch, he spent ten years in a hesychastria of the Monastery of Decani. For reasons of security, he then moved to a cave hermitage founded specially for him in the vicinity of the Patriarchate of Pec. It was in that cell, where he lived for twenty years powerfully influencing the monastic environment, that his literary work profoundly marked by hesychast thought and eschatology, was created. Ephrem twice accepted the office of patriarch in the extremely complex, even dramatic, political and social circumstances created by the conflict between the patriarchates of Serbia and Constantinople, on the one hand, and rivalries between local lords, on the other. There is a difference of interpretation as to his role as the holder of patriarchal office. The latest findings appear to suggest that Ephrem, as an exponent of Mount Athos, loyal to the Patriarchate of Constantinople and close to Vuk Brankovic, was unacceptable to the Lazarević dynasty who emerged victorious in the power straggles in Serbia. Their victory was crowned with the creation of the cult of the holy prince Lazar, a Kosovo martyr. Although a supporter of the defeated side, patriarch Ephrem, as an unquestionable spiritual authority and very deserving personage, was included among the saints shortly after his death. His cult, however, had never been made complete. He was given a Life and service, but the attempted elevation of his body, i.e. creation of the cult of his relics, was thwarted. The reasons, political in nature, were given in the form of a coded hagiographical message in his Life composed by bishop Mark, an active protagonist in all the events.
PB  - Institute for Byzantine Studies of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts
T2  - Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta
T1  - Patriarch Ephrem: A late medieval saintly cult
T1  - Патријарх Јефрем - један позносредњовековни светитељски култ
SP  - 111
EP  - 125
IS  - 43
DO  - 10.2298/ZRVI0643111P
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4882
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Popović, Danica",
year = "2006",
abstract = "Patriarch Ephrem, monk and hermit, writer and saint, Bulgarian-born but twice the leader of the Serbian Church (1375-78 and 1389-92), is an outstanding figure of the late medieval Balkans. His "life and works" are discussed here in the light of hagiological texts and the information provided by various types of sources with the view to drawing some historically relevant conclusions. The main source of information about Ephrem's life and activity are the eulogies, Life and service composed by bishop Mark, his disciple and loyal follower for twenty-three years. Making use of hagiographical topica combined with plentiful data of undoubted documentary value, he relates the story of Ephrem's life through all of its major stages: from his birth and youth to his withdrawal from the world and taking of a monk's habit. Of formative influence were his years on the Holy Mount Athos, where he experienced different styles of monastic life, coenobitic, as well as solitary, which he practiced in the well-known hermitages in the heights of Athos. The further course of Ephrem's life was decided by the turbulent developments in the Balkans brought about by the Ottoman conquests. In that sense, his biography, full of forced and voluntary resettlements, is a true expression of the spirit of the times. Forced to flee Mount Athos, Ephrem made a short stay in Bulgaria and then, about 1347, came to Serbia, where he spent the rest of his life. An eminent representative of the monastic elite and under the aegis of the Serbian patriarch, he spent ten years in a hesychastria of the Monastery of Decani. For reasons of security, he then moved to a cave hermitage founded specially for him in the vicinity of the Patriarchate of Pec. It was in that cell, where he lived for twenty years powerfully influencing the monastic environment, that his literary work profoundly marked by hesychast thought and eschatology, was created. Ephrem twice accepted the office of patriarch in the extremely complex, even dramatic, political and social circumstances created by the conflict between the patriarchates of Serbia and Constantinople, on the one hand, and rivalries between local lords, on the other. There is a difference of interpretation as to his role as the holder of patriarchal office. The latest findings appear to suggest that Ephrem, as an exponent of Mount Athos, loyal to the Patriarchate of Constantinople and close to Vuk Brankovic, was unacceptable to the Lazarević dynasty who emerged victorious in the power straggles in Serbia. Their victory was crowned with the creation of the cult of the holy prince Lazar, a Kosovo martyr. Although a supporter of the defeated side, patriarch Ephrem, as an unquestionable spiritual authority and very deserving personage, was included among the saints shortly after his death. His cult, however, had never been made complete. He was given a Life and service, but the attempted elevation of his body, i.e. creation of the cult of his relics, was thwarted. The reasons, political in nature, were given in the form of a coded hagiographical message in his Life composed by bishop Mark, an active protagonist in all the events.",
publisher = "Institute for Byzantine Studies of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts",
journal = "Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta",
title = "Patriarch Ephrem: A late medieval saintly cult, Патријарх Јефрем - један позносредњовековни светитељски култ",
pages = "111-125",
number = "43",
doi = "10.2298/ZRVI0643111P",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4882"
}
Popović, D.. (2006). Patriarch Ephrem: A late medieval saintly cult. in Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta
Institute for Byzantine Studies of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts.(43), 111-125.
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI0643111P
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4882
Popović D. Patriarch Ephrem: A late medieval saintly cult. in Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta. 2006;(43):111-125.
doi:10.2298/ZRVI0643111P
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4882 .
Popović, Danica, "Patriarch Ephrem: A late medieval saintly cult" in Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 43 (2006):111-125,
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI0643111P .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4882 .
3

Branislav Todić, Milka Čanak-Medić: Manastir Dečani / Monastery of Dečani, Belgrade, Museum at Priština - centre for protection of heritage of Kosovo and Metochia-mnemosyne, Serbian orthodox monastery of Dečani, 2005

Popović, Danica

(2006)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Popović, Danica
PY  - 2006
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/4250
T2  - Balcanica
T1  - Branislav Todić, Milka Čanak-Medić: Manastir Dečani / Monastery of Dečani, Belgrade, Museum at Priština - centre for protection of heritage of Kosovo and Metochia-mnemosyne, Serbian orthodox monastery of Dečani, 2005
SP  - 309
EP  - 313
IS  - 37
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4250
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Popović, Danica",
year = "2006",
journal = "Balcanica",
title = "Branislav Todić, Milka Čanak-Medić: Manastir Dečani / Monastery of Dečani, Belgrade, Museum at Priština - centre for protection of heritage of Kosovo and Metochia-mnemosyne, Serbian orthodox monastery of Dečani, 2005",
pages = "309-313",
number = "37",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4250"
}
Popović, D.. (2006). Branislav Todić, Milka Čanak-Medić: Manastir Dečani / Monastery of Dečani, Belgrade, Museum at Priština - centre for protection of heritage of Kosovo and Metochia-mnemosyne, Serbian orthodox monastery of Dečani, 2005. in Balcanica(37), 309-313.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4250
Popović D. Branislav Todić, Milka Čanak-Medić: Manastir Dečani / Monastery of Dečani, Belgrade, Museum at Priština - centre for protection of heritage of Kosovo and Metochia-mnemosyne, Serbian orthodox monastery of Dečani, 2005. in Balcanica. 2006;(37):309-313.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4250 .
Popović, Danica, "Branislav Todić, Milka Čanak-Medić: Manastir Dečani / Monastery of Dečani, Belgrade, Museum at Priština - centre for protection of heritage of Kosovo and Metochia-mnemosyne, Serbian orthodox monastery of Dečani, 2005" in Balcanica, no. 37 (2006):309-313,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_4250 .