Bakić, Dragan

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orcid::0000-0003-4951-6625
  • Bakić, Dragan (38)
  • Бакић, Драган (3)

Author's Bibliography

The First Yugoslav Ambassador: Jovan Dučić in Romania, 1937-1940

Bakić, Dragan

(New York : Peter Lang, 2023)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Bakić, Dragan
PY  - 2023
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/16328
AB  - Jovan Dučić has long been established as one of the finest Serbian men of letters, with his style being an unmatched role model for elegance and form. He was also one of those prominent Serbian literary men who, following the pattern of some of their French counterparts, had respectable careers in Serbian and, after 1918, Yugoslav diplomacy. Dučić served in Sofia (1910–1912), Rome (1912–1914), Athens (1914–1918), Madrid (1918–1922), Athens
again (1922–1924), Geneva (1925), Cairo (1926–1927), Cairo again after two years back in Yugoslavia (1929–1931) and, as a plenipotentiary minister, in Budapest (1932–1933). His stint in Romania has gone largely unnoticed. This chapter will examine Dučić’s reports from Bucharest and their impact on policy-making in Belgrade. It will look at his view of Romanian foreign policy, but also at the important internal developments, as Romania was undergoing the tumultuous period of King Carol II’s authoritarian dictatorship and fascistization of the country, especially evident in the rising anti-Semitism. Moreover, the particular sensibility of the poet-diplomat
lent his reports color that is usually absent from the matter-of-fact tone of diplomatic dispatches.
PB  - New York : Peter Lang
T2  - New Cultural and Political Perspectives on Serbian-Romanian Relations
T1  - The First Yugoslav Ambassador: Jovan Dučić in Romania, 1937-1940
SP  - 147
EP  - 171
DO  - DOI 10.3726/b20440
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_16328
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Bakić, Dragan",
year = "2023",
abstract = "Jovan Dučić has long been established as one of the finest Serbian men of letters, with his style being an unmatched role model for elegance and form. He was also one of those prominent Serbian literary men who, following the pattern of some of their French counterparts, had respectable careers in Serbian and, after 1918, Yugoslav diplomacy. Dučić served in Sofia (1910–1912), Rome (1912–1914), Athens (1914–1918), Madrid (1918–1922), Athens
again (1922–1924), Geneva (1925), Cairo (1926–1927), Cairo again after two years back in Yugoslavia (1929–1931) and, as a plenipotentiary minister, in Budapest (1932–1933). His stint in Romania has gone largely unnoticed. This chapter will examine Dučić’s reports from Bucharest and their impact on policy-making in Belgrade. It will look at his view of Romanian foreign policy, but also at the important internal developments, as Romania was undergoing the tumultuous period of King Carol II’s authoritarian dictatorship and fascistization of the country, especially evident in the rising anti-Semitism. Moreover, the particular sensibility of the poet-diplomat
lent his reports color that is usually absent from the matter-of-fact tone of diplomatic dispatches.",
publisher = "New York : Peter Lang",
journal = "New Cultural and Political Perspectives on Serbian-Romanian Relations",
booktitle = "The First Yugoslav Ambassador: Jovan Dučić in Romania, 1937-1940",
pages = "147-171",
doi = "DOI 10.3726/b20440",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_16328"
}
Bakić, D.. (2023). The First Yugoslav Ambassador: Jovan Dučić in Romania, 1937-1940. in New Cultural and Political Perspectives on Serbian-Romanian Relations
New York : Peter Lang., 147-171.
https://doi.org/DOI 10.3726/b20440
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_16328
Bakić D. The First Yugoslav Ambassador: Jovan Dučić in Romania, 1937-1940. in New Cultural and Political Perspectives on Serbian-Romanian Relations. 2023;:147-171.
doi:DOI 10.3726/b20440
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_16328 .
Bakić, Dragan, "The First Yugoslav Ambassador: Jovan Dučić in Romania, 1937-1940" in New Cultural and Political Perspectives on Serbian-Romanian Relations (2023):147-171,
https://doi.org/DOI 10.3726/b20440 .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_16328 .

Miloš Crnjanski, the Serbian Right and European Dictatorships

Šeatović, Svetlana; Bakić, Dragan

(Belgrade: Institute for Balkan Studies SASA, 2022)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Šeatović, Svetlana
AU  - Bakić, Dragan
PY  - 2022
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/14153
AB  - Literary-historical and critical texts of contemporary and later interpreters of the complex personality and literary oeuvre of Miloš Crnjanski have always led to concflicting judgments of his political affiliation and role in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Only his novel Seobe (Migrations), more recently, since the mid-1980s, and Lirika Itake i komentari (The Lyric of Ithaca and Commentary) have been subjected to unbiased research and critical examination.
PB  - Belgrade: Institute for Balkan Studies SASA
T2  - The Serbian Right-Wing Parties and Intellectuals in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, 1934-1941
T1  - Miloš Crnjanski, the Serbian Right and European Dictatorships
SP  - 377
EP  - 406
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_14153
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Šeatović, Svetlana and Bakić, Dragan",
year = "2022",
abstract = "Literary-historical and critical texts of contemporary and later interpreters of the complex personality and literary oeuvre of Miloš Crnjanski have always led to concflicting judgments of his political affiliation and role in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Only his novel Seobe (Migrations), more recently, since the mid-1980s, and Lirika Itake i komentari (The Lyric of Ithaca and Commentary) have been subjected to unbiased research and critical examination.",
publisher = "Belgrade: Institute for Balkan Studies SASA",
journal = "The Serbian Right-Wing Parties and Intellectuals in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, 1934-1941",
booktitle = "Miloš Crnjanski, the Serbian Right and European Dictatorships",
pages = "377-406",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_14153"
}
Šeatović, S.,& Bakić, D.. (2022). Miloš Crnjanski, the Serbian Right and European Dictatorships. in The Serbian Right-Wing Parties and Intellectuals in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, 1934-1941
Belgrade: Institute for Balkan Studies SASA., 377-406.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_14153
Šeatović S, Bakić D. Miloš Crnjanski, the Serbian Right and European Dictatorships. in The Serbian Right-Wing Parties and Intellectuals in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, 1934-1941. 2022;:377-406.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_14153 .
Šeatović, Svetlana, Bakić, Dragan, "Miloš Crnjanski, the Serbian Right and European Dictatorships" in The Serbian Right-Wing Parties and Intellectuals in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, 1934-1941 (2022):377-406,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_14153 .

A Failed "Leader" and the Serbian Conservative Core: Milan Stojadinović and the Short-Lived Serbian Radical Party

Bakić, Dragan

(Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA, 2022)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Bakić, Dragan
PY  - 2022
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/14152
AB  - Probably the least known period in the life and political career of Milan Stojadinović spans from his fall from power to the moment when the Yugoslav government handed him over to the British in Greece in March 1941. This period was marked by his opposition to the Cvetković–Maček Agreement, which in time evolved into an organized political action through the founding of the Serbian Radical Party (SRS), which has so far attracted very little attention in historical
scholarship.1 This paper attempts to shed light on the emergence of SRS, its short-lived activism and Stojadinović’s fate as its central figure, which reflected the fate of the party he had founded.
PB  - Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA
T2  - The Serbian Right-Wing Parties and Intellectuals in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, 1934-1941
T1  - A Failed "Leader" and the Serbian Conservative Core: Milan Stojadinović and the Short-Lived Serbian Radical Party
SP  - 159
EP  - 189
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_14152
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Bakić, Dragan",
year = "2022",
abstract = "Probably the least known period in the life and political career of Milan Stojadinović spans from his fall from power to the moment when the Yugoslav government handed him over to the British in Greece in March 1941. This period was marked by his opposition to the Cvetković–Maček Agreement, which in time evolved into an organized political action through the founding of the Serbian Radical Party (SRS), which has so far attracted very little attention in historical
scholarship.1 This paper attempts to shed light on the emergence of SRS, its short-lived activism and Stojadinović’s fate as its central figure, which reflected the fate of the party he had founded.",
publisher = "Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA",
journal = "The Serbian Right-Wing Parties and Intellectuals in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, 1934-1941",
booktitle = "A Failed "Leader" and the Serbian Conservative Core: Milan Stojadinović and the Short-Lived Serbian Radical Party",
pages = "159-189",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_14152"
}
Bakić, D.. (2022). A Failed "Leader" and the Serbian Conservative Core: Milan Stojadinović and the Short-Lived Serbian Radical Party. in The Serbian Right-Wing Parties and Intellectuals in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, 1934-1941
Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA., 159-189.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_14152
Bakić D. A Failed "Leader" and the Serbian Conservative Core: Milan Stojadinović and the Short-Lived Serbian Radical Party. in The Serbian Right-Wing Parties and Intellectuals in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, 1934-1941. 2022;:159-189.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_14152 .
Bakić, Dragan, "A Failed "Leader" and the Serbian Conservative Core: Milan Stojadinović and the Short-Lived Serbian Radical Party" in The Serbian Right-Wing Parties and Intellectuals in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, 1934-1941 (2022):159-189,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_14152 .

Troubles at Home and Abroad: JRZ under Dragiša Cvetković

Bakić, Dragan

(Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA, 2022)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Bakić, Dragan
PY  - 2022
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/14150
AB  - After Stojadinović’s dismissal, his foreign policy continued to be pursued, which shows that it had no alternative. However, it was continued in less favorable circumstances because the removal of Stojadinović, who had embodied Yugoslavia’s good relationship with Berlin and Rome, sparked distrust among the Axis Powers, although they did not show it publicly.
PB  - Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA
T2  - The Serbian Right-Wing Parties and Intellectuals in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, 1934-1941
T1  - Troubles at Home and Abroad: JRZ under Dragiša Cvetković
SP  - 81
EP  - 158
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_14150
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Bakić, Dragan",
year = "2022",
abstract = "After Stojadinović’s dismissal, his foreign policy continued to be pursued, which shows that it had no alternative. However, it was continued in less favorable circumstances because the removal of Stojadinović, who had embodied Yugoslavia’s good relationship with Berlin and Rome, sparked distrust among the Axis Powers, although they did not show it publicly.",
publisher = "Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA",
journal = "The Serbian Right-Wing Parties and Intellectuals in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, 1934-1941",
booktitle = "Troubles at Home and Abroad: JRZ under Dragiša Cvetković",
pages = "81-158",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_14150"
}
Bakić, D.. (2022). Troubles at Home and Abroad: JRZ under Dragiša Cvetković. in The Serbian Right-Wing Parties and Intellectuals in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, 1934-1941
Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA., 81-158.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_14150
Bakić D. Troubles at Home and Abroad: JRZ under Dragiša Cvetković. in The Serbian Right-Wing Parties and Intellectuals in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, 1934-1941. 2022;:81-158.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_14150 .
Bakić, Dragan, "Troubles at Home and Abroad: JRZ under Dragiša Cvetković" in The Serbian Right-Wing Parties and Intellectuals in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, 1934-1941 (2022):81-158,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_14150 .

A Makeshift Party: Conservative JRZ under Milan Stojadinović, 1935-1939

Bakić, Dragan

(Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA, 2022)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Bakić, Dragan
PY  - 2022
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/14149
AB  - This is how Sir Orme Sargent, an assistant under-secretary in the Foreign Office, explained the strengthening of authoritarian tendencies in Danubian Europe in the late 1930s when the rise of the Iron Guard in Romania and what the British saw as the increasing propensity for totalitarian methods of the Milan Stojadinović government in Yugoslavia occasioned a debate among diplomats and Whitehall officials. For Sargent then, it was the expediency of foreign policy, namely the inevitable German domination over the region, that largely propelled the smaller states in south-eastern Europe to acquire some fascist trappings.
PB  - Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA
T2  - The Serbian Right-Wing Parties and Intellectuals in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, 1934-1941
T1  - A Makeshift Party: Conservative JRZ under Milan Stojadinović, 1935-1939
SP  - 33
EP  - 79
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_14149
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Bakić, Dragan",
year = "2022",
abstract = "This is how Sir Orme Sargent, an assistant under-secretary in the Foreign Office, explained the strengthening of authoritarian tendencies in Danubian Europe in the late 1930s when the rise of the Iron Guard in Romania and what the British saw as the increasing propensity for totalitarian methods of the Milan Stojadinović government in Yugoslavia occasioned a debate among diplomats and Whitehall officials. For Sargent then, it was the expediency of foreign policy, namely the inevitable German domination over the region, that largely propelled the smaller states in south-eastern Europe to acquire some fascist trappings.",
publisher = "Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA",
journal = "The Serbian Right-Wing Parties and Intellectuals in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, 1934-1941",
booktitle = "A Makeshift Party: Conservative JRZ under Milan Stojadinović, 1935-1939",
pages = "33-79",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_14149"
}
Bakić, D.. (2022). A Makeshift Party: Conservative JRZ under Milan Stojadinović, 1935-1939. in The Serbian Right-Wing Parties and Intellectuals in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, 1934-1941
Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA., 33-79.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_14149
Bakić D. A Makeshift Party: Conservative JRZ under Milan Stojadinović, 1935-1939. in The Serbian Right-Wing Parties and Intellectuals in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, 1934-1941. 2022;:33-79.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_14149 .
Bakić, Dragan, "A Makeshift Party: Conservative JRZ under Milan Stojadinović, 1935-1939" in The Serbian Right-Wing Parties and Intellectuals in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, 1934-1941 (2022):33-79,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_14149 .

Yugoslavia in the British imagination: peace, war and peasants before TitoSamuel Foster, London, UK, Bloomsbury Academic, 2021, 242 pp.

Bakić, Dragan

(London : Taylor & Francis Online, 2022)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Bakić, Dragan
PY  - 2022
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/13982
PB  - London : Taylor & Francis Online
T2  - Eurasian Geography and Economics
T1  - Yugoslavia in the British imagination: peace, war and peasants before TitoSamuel Foster, London, UK, Bloomsbury Academic, 2021, 242 pp.
SP  - 1
EP  - 3
DO  - 10.1080/15387216.2022.2055599
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_13982
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Bakić, Dragan",
year = "2022",
publisher = "London : Taylor & Francis Online",
journal = "Eurasian Geography and Economics",
title = "Yugoslavia in the British imagination: peace, war and peasants before TitoSamuel Foster, London, UK, Bloomsbury Academic, 2021, 242 pp.",
pages = "1-3",
doi = "10.1080/15387216.2022.2055599",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_13982"
}
Bakić, D.. (2022). Yugoslavia in the British imagination: peace, war and peasants before TitoSamuel Foster, London, UK, Bloomsbury Academic, 2021, 242 pp.. in Eurasian Geography and Economics
London : Taylor & Francis Online., 1-3.
https://doi.org/10.1080/15387216.2022.2055599
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_13982
Bakić D. Yugoslavia in the British imagination: peace, war and peasants before TitoSamuel Foster, London, UK, Bloomsbury Academic, 2021, 242 pp.. in Eurasian Geography and Economics. 2022;:1-3.
doi:10.1080/15387216.2022.2055599
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_13982 .
Bakić, Dragan, "Yugoslavia in the British imagination: peace, war and peasants before TitoSamuel Foster, London, UK, Bloomsbury Academic, 2021, 242 pp." in Eurasian Geography and Economics (2022):1-3,
https://doi.org/10.1080/15387216.2022.2055599 .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_13982 .
3

Introduction : All things to all people: the Contemporary Readings of Bishop Nikolaj Velimirović

; Bakić, Dragan

(Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA, 2022)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - 
AU  - Bakić, Dragan
PY  - 2022
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/13957
AB  - A contemporary who had an opportunity to get to know Bishop Nikolaj Velimirović (1881-1956) and was impressed by his personality and his works believed that “with what he wrote and said, he entered the ranks of the fathers of the whole Church, the universal Christian church, and not just our Serbian church, because his sermons are general Chris tian assets. He left behind him an opus that ensures for him that great rank. There is no doubt about it—acknowledgement is only a matter of time.” If the reach of Bishop Nikolaj’s theological thought within Christianity is a question that still needs an answer, there is no doubt that his significance at the national level and within the Serbian Orthodox Church (SOC) is quite exceptional.
PB  - Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA
PB  - Los Angeles : St. Sebastian Press
T2  - Bishop Nikolaj Velimirović: Old Controversies in Historical and Theological Context
T1  - Introduction : All things to all people: the Contemporary Readings of Bishop Nikolaj Velimirović
SP  - 13
EP  - 32
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_13957
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = " and Bakić, Dragan",
year = "2022",
abstract = "A contemporary who had an opportunity to get to know Bishop Nikolaj Velimirović (1881-1956) and was impressed by his personality and his works believed that “with what he wrote and said, he entered the ranks of the fathers of the whole Church, the universal Christian church, and not just our Serbian church, because his sermons are general Chris tian assets. He left behind him an opus that ensures for him that great rank. There is no doubt about it—acknowledgement is only a matter of time.” If the reach of Bishop Nikolaj’s theological thought within Christianity is a question that still needs an answer, there is no doubt that his significance at the national level and within the Serbian Orthodox Church (SOC) is quite exceptional.",
publisher = "Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA, Los Angeles : St. Sebastian Press",
journal = "Bishop Nikolaj Velimirović: Old Controversies in Historical and Theological Context",
booktitle = "Introduction : All things to all people: the Contemporary Readings of Bishop Nikolaj Velimirović",
pages = "13-32",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_13957"
}
,& Bakić, D.. (2022). Introduction : All things to all people: the Contemporary Readings of Bishop Nikolaj Velimirović. in Bishop Nikolaj Velimirović: Old Controversies in Historical and Theological Context
Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA., 13-32.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_13957
, Bakić D. Introduction : All things to all people: the Contemporary Readings of Bishop Nikolaj Velimirović. in Bishop Nikolaj Velimirović: Old Controversies in Historical and Theological Context. 2022;:13-32.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_13957 .
, Bakić, Dragan, "Introduction : All things to all people: the Contemporary Readings of Bishop Nikolaj Velimirović" in Bishop Nikolaj Velimirović: Old Controversies in Historical and Theological Context (2022):13-32,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_13957 .

Introduction

Bakić, Dragan

(Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA, 2022)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Bakić, Dragan
PY  - 2022
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/14148
AB  - This edited volume embarks on an in-depth analysis of the main features of the political ideology and activities of the Serbian right wing from the assassination of King Alexander Karadjordjević in October 1934 to the Kingdom of Yugoslavia’s destruction in April 1941 during the Second World War. This is a period that constitutes a distinctive era in Yugoslav history, which also coincides with the Europe-wide rise of right-wing extremism, a congruence that justifies the chosen time frame. In Yugoslavia, the royal dictatorship inaugurated on 6 January 1929 formally continued under the three-member regency council, in which only Prince Paul Karadjordjević, the late Alexander’s cousin, mattered. In reality, the regency regime was something of a paradox: it retained the late sovereign’s dictatorial legislation but applied it rather liberally, seeking to appease the political tensions left over from Alexander’s reign.
PB  - Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA
T2  - The Serbian Right-Wing Parties and Intellectuals in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, 1934-1941
T1  - Introduction
SP  - 13
EP  - 30
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_14148
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Bakić, Dragan",
year = "2022",
abstract = "This edited volume embarks on an in-depth analysis of the main features of the political ideology and activities of the Serbian right wing from the assassination of King Alexander Karadjordjević in October 1934 to the Kingdom of Yugoslavia’s destruction in April 1941 during the Second World War. This is a period that constitutes a distinctive era in Yugoslav history, which also coincides with the Europe-wide rise of right-wing extremism, a congruence that justifies the chosen time frame. In Yugoslavia, the royal dictatorship inaugurated on 6 January 1929 formally continued under the three-member regency council, in which only Prince Paul Karadjordjević, the late Alexander’s cousin, mattered. In reality, the regency regime was something of a paradox: it retained the late sovereign’s dictatorial legislation but applied it rather liberally, seeking to appease the political tensions left over from Alexander’s reign.",
publisher = "Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA",
journal = "The Serbian Right-Wing Parties and Intellectuals in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, 1934-1941",
booktitle = "Introduction",
pages = "13-30",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_14148"
}
Bakić, D.. (2022). Introduction. in The Serbian Right-Wing Parties and Intellectuals in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, 1934-1941
Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA., 13-30.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_14148
Bakić D. Introduction. in The Serbian Right-Wing Parties and Intellectuals in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, 1934-1941. 2022;:13-30.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_14148 .
Bakić, Dragan, "Introduction" in The Serbian Right-Wing Parties and Intellectuals in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, 1934-1941 (2022):13-30,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_14148 .

Tempestuous Relations: Bishop of Žiča, Nikolaj Velimirović, and the Regency Government of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, 1936-1941

Bakić, Dragan

(Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA, 2022)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Bakić, Dragan
PY  - 2022
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/13965
AB  - On 22 June 1934 Nikolaj Velimirović, then bishop of Ohrid and Bitolj, was appointed an administrator of the Žiča diocese (he had been a bishop of Žiča in 1919-1920) and two years later became a regular bishop there. By that time he had acquired the reputation of the most prominent figure in the Serbian Orthodox Church (SOC) as an exceptional philosopher, orator and the leading spirit of the God-Worshiper movement. With his strong personality and influence within the church, he was bound to play an important role in the tumultuous times that were to befall both the SOC and Yugoslavia under the Regency regime after the murder of King Alexander Karađorđević in October 1934
PB  - Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA
PB  - Los Angeles : St. Sebastian Press
T2  - Bishop Nikolaj Velimirović: Old Controversies in Historical and Theological Context
T1  - Tempestuous Relations: Bishop of Žiča, Nikolaj Velimirović, and the Regency Government of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, 1936-1941
SP  - 169
EP  - 209
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_13965
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Bakić, Dragan",
year = "2022",
abstract = "On 22 June 1934 Nikolaj Velimirović, then bishop of Ohrid and Bitolj, was appointed an administrator of the Žiča diocese (he had been a bishop of Žiča in 1919-1920) and two years later became a regular bishop there. By that time he had acquired the reputation of the most prominent figure in the Serbian Orthodox Church (SOC) as an exceptional philosopher, orator and the leading spirit of the God-Worshiper movement. With his strong personality and influence within the church, he was bound to play an important role in the tumultuous times that were to befall both the SOC and Yugoslavia under the Regency regime after the murder of King Alexander Karađorđević in October 1934",
publisher = "Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA, Los Angeles : St. Sebastian Press",
journal = "Bishop Nikolaj Velimirović: Old Controversies in Historical and Theological Context",
booktitle = "Tempestuous Relations: Bishop of Žiča, Nikolaj Velimirović, and the Regency Government of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, 1936-1941",
pages = "169-209",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_13965"
}
Bakić, D.. (2022). Tempestuous Relations: Bishop of Žiča, Nikolaj Velimirović, and the Regency Government of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, 1936-1941. in Bishop Nikolaj Velimirović: Old Controversies in Historical and Theological Context
Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA., 169-209.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_13965
Bakić D. Tempestuous Relations: Bishop of Žiča, Nikolaj Velimirović, and the Regency Government of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, 1936-1941. in Bishop Nikolaj Velimirović: Old Controversies in Historical and Theological Context. 2022;:169-209.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_13965 .
Bakić, Dragan, "Tempestuous Relations: Bishop of Žiča, Nikolaj Velimirović, and the Regency Government of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, 1936-1941" in Bishop Nikolaj Velimirović: Old Controversies in Historical and Theological Context (2022):169-209,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_13965 .

Transition from Austria-Hungary to Yugoslavia: The Serbian Army in Bosnia and Herzegovina in Late 1918

Bakić, Dragan

(Belgrade : Académie serbe des sciences et des arts, Institut des études balkaniques, 2022)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Bakić, Dragan
PY  - 2022
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/12936
AB  - This paper details the entry of the Serbian army into Bosnia and
Herzegovina in the concluding stage of the Great War, after the breakthrough
of the Salonica (Macedonian) front. It examines the interaction of the Serbian
army with the newly established authorities in the province, in Sarajevo and on
the local level, in the vacuum brought about by the collapse of the Habsburg
regime, and the order and peace keeping to which the presence of Serbian
soldiers was crucial. On the basis of military records, the paper challenges the
conventional wisdom about the creation of Yugoslavia by shedding additional
light on the attitude of the three Bosnian-Herzegovinian religious and ethnic
communities towards the Yugoslav unification realised in Belgrade on 1
December 1918.
PB  - Belgrade : Académie serbe des sciences et des arts, Institut des études balkaniques
T2  - Finir la Grande guerre dans les Balkans 1918–1923
T1  - Transition from Austria-Hungary to Yugoslavia: The Serbian Army in Bosnia and Herzegovina in Late 1918
SP  - 91
EP  - 139
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12936
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Bakić, Dragan",
year = "2022",
abstract = "This paper details the entry of the Serbian army into Bosnia and
Herzegovina in the concluding stage of the Great War, after the breakthrough
of the Salonica (Macedonian) front. It examines the interaction of the Serbian
army with the newly established authorities in the province, in Sarajevo and on
the local level, in the vacuum brought about by the collapse of the Habsburg
regime, and the order and peace keeping to which the presence of Serbian
soldiers was crucial. On the basis of military records, the paper challenges the
conventional wisdom about the creation of Yugoslavia by shedding additional
light on the attitude of the three Bosnian-Herzegovinian religious and ethnic
communities towards the Yugoslav unification realised in Belgrade on 1
December 1918.",
publisher = "Belgrade : Académie serbe des sciences et des arts, Institut des études balkaniques",
journal = "Finir la Grande guerre dans les Balkans 1918–1923",
booktitle = "Transition from Austria-Hungary to Yugoslavia: The Serbian Army in Bosnia and Herzegovina in Late 1918",
pages = "91-139",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12936"
}
Bakić, D.. (2022). Transition from Austria-Hungary to Yugoslavia: The Serbian Army in Bosnia and Herzegovina in Late 1918. in Finir la Grande guerre dans les Balkans 1918–1923
Belgrade : Académie serbe des sciences et des arts, Institut des études balkaniques., 91-139.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12936
Bakić D. Transition from Austria-Hungary to Yugoslavia: The Serbian Army in Bosnia and Herzegovina in Late 1918. in Finir la Grande guerre dans les Balkans 1918–1923. 2022;:91-139.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12936 .
Bakić, Dragan, "Transition from Austria-Hungary to Yugoslavia: The Serbian Army in Bosnia and Herzegovina in Late 1918" in Finir la Grande guerre dans les Balkans 1918–1923 (2022):91-139,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12936 .

“The Lesser of Two Evils”: Milan Stojadinović, Albania and Yugoslav-Italian Relations, 1935-1939

Bakić, Dragan

(Brǎila : Editura Istros a Muzeului Brǎilei "Carol I", 2021)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Bakić, Dragan
PY  - 2021
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/12934
AB  - From the outset of her existence, Italy was the bête noire of the successor state of Yugoslavia created on the ruins of Austria-Hungary after the Great War. A historical claim on Dalmatia populated by Yugoslavs remained a watchword of Italian nationalists despite the territorial settlement reached between the two countries in Rapallo in 1920 and Rome’s acquisition of the town of Fiume in 1924 as part of the Italo-Yugoslav treaty of friendship in 1924 (Pact of Rome). The Italians based their territorial ambitions on what the Entente Powers had granted them on the eastern coast of the Adriatic by the 1915 Treaty of London, but had not fully materialized at the end of the war. Moreover, for Italy, the very existence of Yugoslavia was an obstacle for its grandiose plans for political domination in the Balkans and the Danube region. The animosity towards Belgrade was made more pronounced on account of Yugoslavia’s friendly relations with France and membership of the anti-Hungarian Little Entente, together with Czechoslovakia and Romania, which Rome perceived as an instrument of French security system in post-war Europe. For that reason, Yugoslavia became central to Mussolini’s rivalry with France over predominance in South-Eastern Europe, which made her importance in international relations far exceed her economic and military capabilities
PB  - Brǎila : Editura Istros a Muzeului Brǎilei "Carol I"
T2  - The Balkans in the Age  of New Imperialism and Beyond: Proceedings of the session held at  the 12th International Congress of South-East European Studies  (Bucharest, 2-6 September 2019)
T1  - “The Lesser of Two Evils”: Milan Stojadinović, Albania and Yugoslav-Italian Relations, 1935-1939
SP  - 73
EP  - 90
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12934
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Bakić, Dragan",
year = "2021",
abstract = "From the outset of her existence, Italy was the bête noire of the successor state of Yugoslavia created on the ruins of Austria-Hungary after the Great War. A historical claim on Dalmatia populated by Yugoslavs remained a watchword of Italian nationalists despite the territorial settlement reached between the two countries in Rapallo in 1920 and Rome’s acquisition of the town of Fiume in 1924 as part of the Italo-Yugoslav treaty of friendship in 1924 (Pact of Rome). The Italians based their territorial ambitions on what the Entente Powers had granted them on the eastern coast of the Adriatic by the 1915 Treaty of London, but had not fully materialized at the end of the war. Moreover, for Italy, the very existence of Yugoslavia was an obstacle for its grandiose plans for political domination in the Balkans and the Danube region. The animosity towards Belgrade was made more pronounced on account of Yugoslavia’s friendly relations with France and membership of the anti-Hungarian Little Entente, together with Czechoslovakia and Romania, which Rome perceived as an instrument of French security system in post-war Europe. For that reason, Yugoslavia became central to Mussolini’s rivalry with France over predominance in South-Eastern Europe, which made her importance in international relations far exceed her economic and military capabilities",
publisher = "Brǎila : Editura Istros a Muzeului Brǎilei "Carol I"",
journal = "The Balkans in the Age  of New Imperialism and Beyond: Proceedings of the session held at  the 12th International Congress of South-East European Studies  (Bucharest, 2-6 September 2019)",
booktitle = "“The Lesser of Two Evils”: Milan Stojadinović, Albania and Yugoslav-Italian Relations, 1935-1939",
pages = "73-90",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12934"
}
Bakić, D.. (2021). “The Lesser of Two Evils”: Milan Stojadinović, Albania and Yugoslav-Italian Relations, 1935-1939. in The Balkans in the Age  of New Imperialism and Beyond: Proceedings of the session held at  the 12th International Congress of South-East European Studies  (Bucharest, 2-6 September 2019)
Brǎila : Editura Istros a Muzeului Brǎilei "Carol I"., 73-90.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12934
Bakić D. “The Lesser of Two Evils”: Milan Stojadinović, Albania and Yugoslav-Italian Relations, 1935-1939. in The Balkans in the Age  of New Imperialism and Beyond: Proceedings of the session held at  the 12th International Congress of South-East European Studies  (Bucharest, 2-6 September 2019). 2021;:73-90.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12934 .
Bakić, Dragan, "“The Lesser of Two Evils”: Milan Stojadinović, Albania and Yugoslav-Italian Relations, 1935-1939" in The Balkans in the Age  of New Imperialism and Beyond: Proceedings of the session held at  the 12th International Congress of South-East European Studies  (Bucharest, 2-6 September 2019) (2021):73-90,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12934 .

Mussolini of Yugoslavia? The Milan Stojadinović Regime and the Impact of Italian Fascism, 1937-1939

Bakić, Dragan

(Trieste : EUT Edizioni Università di Trieste, 2021)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Bakić, Dragan
PY  - 2021
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/11725
AB  - The Yugoslav prime minister (and foreign minister), Milan Stojadinović, and Italian foreign minister, Galeazzo Ciano, signed a friendship agreement on 25 March 1937, ushering in an atmosphere of confidence between the two formerly hostile countries. This rapprochement resulted from the changing international constellation: the resurgent Germany was expected to annex Austria and become a powerful neighbour to both countries. Ciano and Stojadinović struck close personal relations which no doubt buttressed the solidity of their agreement. Moreover, Ciano believed that Stojadinović was inclined towards authoritarian concept of power. There were also increasing signs that the Stojadinović regime was acquiring some fascist trappings in line with the new course of foreign policy. Indeed, Prince Regent, Paul, dropped Stojadinović from the government in February 1939 because he came to believe that his premier was intent on becoming a fascist dictator. This paper will explore whether there was substance to the often repeated accusations that Stojadinović was sliding towards fascism. Much of these accusations were centred on his foreign policy, especially his cordial relations with the fascist regime in Italy and, to a lesser extent, with Nazi Germany. Therefore, this paper will analyse, on the one hand, to what extent Stojadinović aligned Yugoslavia's conduct of foreign affairs with Rome's foreign policy and, on the other, to what degree the Yugoslav-Italian rapprochement was reflected in internal developments which might smack of fascism. The analysis will be undertaken with reference to the recent and influential theories of fascism.
PB  - Trieste : EUT Edizioni Università di Trieste
T2  - QUALESTORIA. Rivista di storia contemporanea.  L’Italia e la Jugoslavia tra le due guerre
T1  - Mussolini of Yugoslavia? The Milan Stojadinović Regime and the Impact of Italian Fascism, 1937-1939
SP  - 243
EP  - 267
VL  - XLIX
IS  - 1
DO  - 10.13137/0393-6082/32196
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_11725
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Bakić, Dragan",
year = "2021",
abstract = "The Yugoslav prime minister (and foreign minister), Milan Stojadinović, and Italian foreign minister, Galeazzo Ciano, signed a friendship agreement on 25 March 1937, ushering in an atmosphere of confidence between the two formerly hostile countries. This rapprochement resulted from the changing international constellation: the resurgent Germany was expected to annex Austria and become a powerful neighbour to both countries. Ciano and Stojadinović struck close personal relations which no doubt buttressed the solidity of their agreement. Moreover, Ciano believed that Stojadinović was inclined towards authoritarian concept of power. There were also increasing signs that the Stojadinović regime was acquiring some fascist trappings in line with the new course of foreign policy. Indeed, Prince Regent, Paul, dropped Stojadinović from the government in February 1939 because he came to believe that his premier was intent on becoming a fascist dictator. This paper will explore whether there was substance to the often repeated accusations that Stojadinović was sliding towards fascism. Much of these accusations were centred on his foreign policy, especially his cordial relations with the fascist regime in Italy and, to a lesser extent, with Nazi Germany. Therefore, this paper will analyse, on the one hand, to what extent Stojadinović aligned Yugoslavia's conduct of foreign affairs with Rome's foreign policy and, on the other, to what degree the Yugoslav-Italian rapprochement was reflected in internal developments which might smack of fascism. The analysis will be undertaken with reference to the recent and influential theories of fascism.",
publisher = "Trieste : EUT Edizioni Università di Trieste",
journal = "QUALESTORIA. Rivista di storia contemporanea.  L’Italia e la Jugoslavia tra le due guerre",
title = "Mussolini of Yugoslavia? The Milan Stojadinović Regime and the Impact of Italian Fascism, 1937-1939",
pages = "243-267",
volume = "XLIX",
number = "1",
doi = "10.13137/0393-6082/32196",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_11725"
}
Bakić, D.. (2021). Mussolini of Yugoslavia? The Milan Stojadinović Regime and the Impact of Italian Fascism, 1937-1939. in QUALESTORIA. Rivista di storia contemporanea.  L’Italia e la Jugoslavia tra le due guerre
Trieste : EUT Edizioni Università di Trieste., XLIX(1), 243-267.
https://doi.org/10.13137/0393-6082/32196
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_11725
Bakić D. Mussolini of Yugoslavia? The Milan Stojadinović Regime and the Impact of Italian Fascism, 1937-1939. in QUALESTORIA. Rivista di storia contemporanea.  L’Italia e la Jugoslavia tra le due guerre. 2021;XLIX(1):243-267.
doi:10.13137/0393-6082/32196
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_11725 .
Bakić, Dragan, "Mussolini of Yugoslavia? The Milan Stojadinović Regime and the Impact of Italian Fascism, 1937-1939" in QUALESTORIA. Rivista di storia contemporanea.  L’Italia e la Jugoslavia tra le due guerre, XLIX, no. 1 (2021):243-267,
https://doi.org/10.13137/0393-6082/32196 .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_11725 .

Слепа амбиција или британска субверзија?: југословенски официри, британске обавештајне службе и државни удар од 27. марта 1941. године

Бакић, Драган

(Београд : Институт за стратегијска истраживања, 2021)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Бакић, Драган
PY  - 2021
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/12937
AB  - Прилог анализира два недовољно објашњена аспекта војног удара којим су високи југословенски официри оборили режим кнеза Павла 27. марта 1941. У разматрању разлога који су стајали иза одлуке официра, истиче се да њихов чин извире из традиције чији се почетак може пратити од Мајског преврата 1903. када је насилно свргнута династија Обреновића. Баштинећи ову превратничку тенденцију војске, пучисти су себе сматрали носиоцем демократске традиције српског народа који уклањају непопуларни и противнародни режим. Испитују се и везе водећих официра са британским обавештајним службама, при чему се пажња посвећује не већ добро познатим активностима СОЕ, већ другим агенцијама – СИС и улози војног и ваздухопловног аташеа из британског посланства – који су несумњиво имали много веће заслуге за преокрет у Београду који је одговарао Британији. Посебно се испитује достављање важног документа о састанку највише немачке војне команде од стране Британаца и значај који је то могло да има за став пучиста.
AB  - This article analysis two insufficiently explored aspects of the 27
March 1941 coup d’état in which some of the senior officers deposed
Regent of Yugoslavia, Prince Paul, which signaled the rejection of the
freshly signed adherence to the Tripartite Pact with the Axis Powers
and led to the German conquest of Yugoslavia. Firstly, the article
discusses the reasons behind the officers’ decision to topple the
government and argues that it had much to do with the unsavory
tradition of the Serbian army stemming from the May Overthrow in
1903 when the Obrenović dynasty was deposed in a particularly
gruesome manner. Just as the 1903 putchists had taken pride in
bringing down the absolutist regime of King Milan and introducing
parliamentary democracy under the Karadjordjevićs, the rebel officers
of 1941 believed they were the bearers of a democratic spirit of the
Serbian people who ended the unpopular and autocratic government
under Prince Paul.
PB  - Београд : Институт за стратегијска истраживања
T2  - Војноисторијски гласник
T1  - Слепа амбиција или британска субверзија?: југословенски официри, британске обавештајне службе и државни удар од 27. марта 1941. године
T1  - Blind ambition or British subversion?: Yugoslav officers, British inteligence and the coup of 27 March 1941
SP  - 53
EP  - 83
VL  - 2
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12937
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Бакић, Драган",
year = "2021",
abstract = "Прилог анализира два недовољно објашњена аспекта војног удара којим су високи југословенски официри оборили режим кнеза Павла 27. марта 1941. У разматрању разлога који су стајали иза одлуке официра, истиче се да њихов чин извире из традиције чији се почетак може пратити од Мајског преврата 1903. када је насилно свргнута династија Обреновића. Баштинећи ову превратничку тенденцију војске, пучисти су себе сматрали носиоцем демократске традиције српског народа који уклањају непопуларни и противнародни режим. Испитују се и везе водећих официра са британским обавештајним службама, при чему се пажња посвећује не већ добро познатим активностима СОЕ, већ другим агенцијама – СИС и улози војног и ваздухопловног аташеа из британског посланства – који су несумњиво имали много веће заслуге за преокрет у Београду који је одговарао Британији. Посебно се испитује достављање важног документа о састанку највише немачке војне команде од стране Британаца и значај који је то могло да има за став пучиста., This article analysis two insufficiently explored aspects of the 27
March 1941 coup d’état in which some of the senior officers deposed
Regent of Yugoslavia, Prince Paul, which signaled the rejection of the
freshly signed adherence to the Tripartite Pact with the Axis Powers
and led to the German conquest of Yugoslavia. Firstly, the article
discusses the reasons behind the officers’ decision to topple the
government and argues that it had much to do with the unsavory
tradition of the Serbian army stemming from the May Overthrow in
1903 when the Obrenović dynasty was deposed in a particularly
gruesome manner. Just as the 1903 putchists had taken pride in
bringing down the absolutist regime of King Milan and introducing
parliamentary democracy under the Karadjordjevićs, the rebel officers
of 1941 believed they were the bearers of a democratic spirit of the
Serbian people who ended the unpopular and autocratic government
under Prince Paul.",
publisher = "Београд : Институт за стратегијска истраживања",
journal = "Војноисторијски гласник",
title = "Слепа амбиција или британска субверзија?: југословенски официри, британске обавештајне службе и државни удар од 27. марта 1941. године, Blind ambition or British subversion?: Yugoslav officers, British inteligence and the coup of 27 March 1941",
pages = "53-83",
volume = "2",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12937"
}
Бакић, Д.. (2021). Слепа амбиција или британска субверзија?: југословенски официри, британске обавештајне службе и државни удар од 27. марта 1941. године. in Војноисторијски гласник
Београд : Институт за стратегијска истраживања., 2, 53-83.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12937
Бакић Д. Слепа амбиција или британска субверзија?: југословенски официри, британске обавештајне службе и државни удар од 27. марта 1941. године. in Војноисторијски гласник. 2021;2:53-83.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12937 .
Бакић, Драган, "Слепа амбиција или британска субверзија?: југословенски официри, британске обавештајне службе и државни удар од 27. марта 1941. године" in Војноисторијски гласник, 2 (2021):53-83,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12937 .

Регент Александар и стварање Југославије

Бакић, Драган

(Београд : Српска академија наука и уметности, 2021)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Бакић, Драган
PY  - 2021
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/12935
AB  - Despite the voluminous literature on the Yugoslav question during the
First World War, the views and the role of Regent Alexander in the creation of
Yugoslavia have remained insufficiently known. This is, to a large extent, a result
of the lack of primary sources which would reveal in no uncertain terms the
attitude of Regent Alexander throughout the war, a circumstance which partly
stemmed from the nature of his constitutional role in Serbia. Nevertheless, it is
argued in this paper that Alexander’s handling of the Yugoslav unification was,
at least to certain degree, conditioned by power relations between the Regent,
Nikola Pašić, the Radical Prime Minister, and the secret officer organisation, the
Black Hand, headed by Dragutin Dimitrijević-Apis. Especially after the downfall
of Serbia in the winter of 1915, Alexander exhibited his autocratic ambitions,
trying to put both the army and the civilian government under his control. In
his attempts to remove Pašić and replace his cabinet by a politically neutral one
led by a prominent military commander, Alexander seems to have played with
the idea to utilise the Yugoslav programme as a political platform for promoting
the envisaged new cabinet. There were indications during his official visit to Great
Britain in March-April 1916 that this was the case. In particular, the remarks
made by Jovan Jovanović-Pižon, Pašić’s deputy in the Foreign Ministry, who was a
close friend of the Regent and a fervent supporter of Yugoslavism, and Alexander’s
efforts to cultivate Robert William Seton-Watson, the leading pro-Yugoslav public
figure in Britain, leave the impression that the Regent tried to present himself
as the main pillar of Yugoslav unification as opposed to the allegedly exclusive
Serbian approach advocated by Pašić. During the Corfu conference in the summer of 1917, Alexander made a good impression on the representatives of the émigreé Yugoslav Committee headed by Ante Trumbić, the leading Croat politician, and facilitated understanding between
the Serbian and Croatian point of view. However, after the adoption of the Corfu
declaration, Alexander strongly backed his Prime Minister in his conduct of
the Yugoslav policy. This stemmed from the new constelation arising from the
Salonica trial in which the Regent and Pašić joined forces to eliminate Apis and
his Black Hand. Since this notorious affair resulted in the break-up of the Serbian
coalition cabinet and the revision of the Salonica trial became the watchword of
the oppostion parties, Alexander supported Pašić in both his struggle against the
Yugoslav Committee, which endeavoured to impose itself as an equal partner to
the Serbian government, and his refusal to yield to the demands of the opposition
during the course of negotiations for the formation of a new coalition cabinet.
Finally, Alexander became the dominant political factor in the concluding phase
of the war when the success of the Serbian army effectively decided the matter
of Yugoslav unification. His view of the situation and Serbia’s leading role in the
creation of Yugoslavia was not different from that of Pašić. The Prime Minister
was forced for tactical reasons to give way to the representatives of the „Yugoslavs“
at the Geneva Conference in November 1918, but that was utterly distasteful to
him. The controversy surrounding Pašić’s shifiting of responsibility for the refusal
of the Serbian government to accept the Geneva agreement onto the Regent’s
shoulders had no real foundation; it seems to have sprung from later accusations
against Pašić and Alexander’s decision not to allow Pašić to become the first Prime
Minister of the newly-minted Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (Yugoslavia).
PB  - Београд : Српска академија наука и уметности
T2  - Крај рата, Срби и стварање Југославије: зборник радова са међународног научног скупа одржаног 29–30. новембра 2018.
T1  - Регент Александар и стварање Југославије
T1  - Regent Alexander and the Creation of Yugoslavia
SP  - 449
EP  - 468
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12935
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Бакић, Драган",
year = "2021",
abstract = "Despite the voluminous literature on the Yugoslav question during the
First World War, the views and the role of Regent Alexander in the creation of
Yugoslavia have remained insufficiently known. This is, to a large extent, a result
of the lack of primary sources which would reveal in no uncertain terms the
attitude of Regent Alexander throughout the war, a circumstance which partly
stemmed from the nature of his constitutional role in Serbia. Nevertheless, it is
argued in this paper that Alexander’s handling of the Yugoslav unification was,
at least to certain degree, conditioned by power relations between the Regent,
Nikola Pašić, the Radical Prime Minister, and the secret officer organisation, the
Black Hand, headed by Dragutin Dimitrijević-Apis. Especially after the downfall
of Serbia in the winter of 1915, Alexander exhibited his autocratic ambitions,
trying to put both the army and the civilian government under his control. In
his attempts to remove Pašić and replace his cabinet by a politically neutral one
led by a prominent military commander, Alexander seems to have played with
the idea to utilise the Yugoslav programme as a political platform for promoting
the envisaged new cabinet. There were indications during his official visit to Great
Britain in March-April 1916 that this was the case. In particular, the remarks
made by Jovan Jovanović-Pižon, Pašić’s deputy in the Foreign Ministry, who was a
close friend of the Regent and a fervent supporter of Yugoslavism, and Alexander’s
efforts to cultivate Robert William Seton-Watson, the leading pro-Yugoslav public
figure in Britain, leave the impression that the Regent tried to present himself
as the main pillar of Yugoslav unification as opposed to the allegedly exclusive
Serbian approach advocated by Pašić. During the Corfu conference in the summer of 1917, Alexander made a good impression on the representatives of the émigreé Yugoslav Committee headed by Ante Trumbić, the leading Croat politician, and facilitated understanding between
the Serbian and Croatian point of view. However, after the adoption of the Corfu
declaration, Alexander strongly backed his Prime Minister in his conduct of
the Yugoslav policy. This stemmed from the new constelation arising from the
Salonica trial in which the Regent and Pašić joined forces to eliminate Apis and
his Black Hand. Since this notorious affair resulted in the break-up of the Serbian
coalition cabinet and the revision of the Salonica trial became the watchword of
the oppostion parties, Alexander supported Pašić in both his struggle against the
Yugoslav Committee, which endeavoured to impose itself as an equal partner to
the Serbian government, and his refusal to yield to the demands of the opposition
during the course of negotiations for the formation of a new coalition cabinet.
Finally, Alexander became the dominant political factor in the concluding phase
of the war when the success of the Serbian army effectively decided the matter
of Yugoslav unification. His view of the situation and Serbia’s leading role in the
creation of Yugoslavia was not different from that of Pašić. The Prime Minister
was forced for tactical reasons to give way to the representatives of the „Yugoslavs“
at the Geneva Conference in November 1918, but that was utterly distasteful to
him. The controversy surrounding Pašić’s shifiting of responsibility for the refusal
of the Serbian government to accept the Geneva agreement onto the Regent’s
shoulders had no real foundation; it seems to have sprung from later accusations
against Pašić and Alexander’s decision not to allow Pašić to become the first Prime
Minister of the newly-minted Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (Yugoslavia).",
publisher = "Београд : Српска академија наука и уметности",
journal = "Крај рата, Срби и стварање Југославије: зборник радова са међународног научног скупа одржаног 29–30. новембра 2018.",
booktitle = "Регент Александар и стварање Југославије, Regent Alexander and the Creation of Yugoslavia",
pages = "449-468",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12935"
}
Бакић, Д.. (2021). Регент Александар и стварање Југославије. in Крај рата, Срби и стварање Југославије: зборник радова са међународног научног скупа одржаног 29–30. новембра 2018.
Београд : Српска академија наука и уметности., 449-468.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12935
Бакић Д. Регент Александар и стварање Југославије. in Крај рата, Срби и стварање Југославије: зборник радова са међународног научног скупа одржаног 29–30. новембра 2018.. 2021;:449-468.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12935 .
Бакић, Драган, "Регент Александар и стварање Југославије" in Крај рата, Срби и стварање Југославије: зборник радова са међународног научног скупа одржаног 29–30. новембра 2018. (2021):449-468,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12935 .

Матеја Мата Бошковић - прилог за биографију српског дипломате

Бакић, Драган

(Чачак : Међуопштински историјски архив, 2021)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Бакић, Драган
PY  - 2021
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/12432
AB  - У раду се реконструише каријера Матеје Мате Бошковића, једног од истакнутих српских дипломата првих деценија двадесетог века. Он се налазио на неким од најважнијих места током балканских и Првог светског рата ‒ у Атини где је учествовао у склапању српско-грчког уговора о савезу 1913. и касније у лондонском посланству. Његов случај је илустративан као типичан пример дипломатске каријере једног припадника високог српског друштва. Оставио је трага, пре свега, због свог неслагања са хрватским члановима емигрантског Југословенског одбора у Лондону и као један од седам политичких делегата Краљевине СХС на Конференцији мира у Паризу. Последњу деценију своје службе провео је као делегат при Репарационој комисији у Паризу.
AB  - Mateja Mata Bošković was not only a distinguished but also a very remarkable Serbian diplomat from the first decades of the 20th century. A professionally capable and disciplined diplomat, he was nontheless completely independent in building his views and offering recommendations to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs on current international issues and possible ways to protect Serbian interests. As Serbia’s envoy to Athens, he was personally involved in the signing of the Greco-Serbian Alliance of 1913 which diplomatically paved the way for the victory against Bulgaria in the Second Balkan War. The breakout of World War I found him at his new position of envoy to the United Kingdom, where he was caught in a vortex of the political combinations of the Entente Powers, which were encroaching on Serbia’s interests as well as violating its territorial integrity in Vardar Macedonia. Bošković thus found himself in a position to participate in the implementation of the Serbian government’s Yugoslav program, primarily through cooperation with the members of the Yugoslav Committee, which had transferred its seat from Rome to London. It was at this post that his lack of enthusiasm for the Yugoslav unification and deep-rooted mistrust of the views of Croatian émigrés came to the fore. Bošković also remained steadfast in his convictions while serving as one of the seven political delegates of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes at the Paris Peace Conference, where he stood alone in his views on some important questions. He gave a major contribution to the defense of the material interests of the Kingdom of SCS as a delegate in the Reparations Comission.
PB  - Чачак : Међуопштински историјски архив
PB  - Ljubljana : Inštitut za kulturne in spominske študije
PB  - Београд : Центар за историју Југославије и савремену националну историју Филозофског факултета у Београду
T2  - Србија 1918: ослобођење домовине, повратак ратника, живот у новој држави
T1  - Матеја Мата Бошковић - прилог за биографију српског дипломате
T1  - Mateja Mata Bošković: A Contribution to the Biography of a Serbian Diplomat
SP  - 155
EP  - 181
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12432
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Бакић, Драган",
year = "2021",
abstract = "У раду се реконструише каријера Матеје Мате Бошковића, једног од истакнутих српских дипломата првих деценија двадесетог века. Он се налазио на неким од најважнијих места током балканских и Првог светског рата ‒ у Атини где је учествовао у склапању српско-грчког уговора о савезу 1913. и касније у лондонском посланству. Његов случај је илустративан као типичан пример дипломатске каријере једног припадника високог српског друштва. Оставио је трага, пре свега, због свог неслагања са хрватским члановима емигрантског Југословенског одбора у Лондону и као један од седам политичких делегата Краљевине СХС на Конференцији мира у Паризу. Последњу деценију своје службе провео је као делегат при Репарационој комисији у Паризу., Mateja Mata Bošković was not only a distinguished but also a very remarkable Serbian diplomat from the first decades of the 20th century. A professionally capable and disciplined diplomat, he was nontheless completely independent in building his views and offering recommendations to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs on current international issues and possible ways to protect Serbian interests. As Serbia’s envoy to Athens, he was personally involved in the signing of the Greco-Serbian Alliance of 1913 which diplomatically paved the way for the victory against Bulgaria in the Second Balkan War. The breakout of World War I found him at his new position of envoy to the United Kingdom, where he was caught in a vortex of the political combinations of the Entente Powers, which were encroaching on Serbia’s interests as well as violating its territorial integrity in Vardar Macedonia. Bošković thus found himself in a position to participate in the implementation of the Serbian government’s Yugoslav program, primarily through cooperation with the members of the Yugoslav Committee, which had transferred its seat from Rome to London. It was at this post that his lack of enthusiasm for the Yugoslav unification and deep-rooted mistrust of the views of Croatian émigrés came to the fore. Bošković also remained steadfast in his convictions while serving as one of the seven political delegates of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes at the Paris Peace Conference, where he stood alone in his views on some important questions. He gave a major contribution to the defense of the material interests of the Kingdom of SCS as a delegate in the Reparations Comission.",
publisher = "Чачак : Међуопштински историјски архив, Ljubljana : Inštitut za kulturne in spominske študije, Београд : Центар за историју Југославије и савремену националну историју Филозофског факултета у Београду",
journal = "Србија 1918: ослобођење домовине, повратак ратника, живот у новој држави",
booktitle = "Матеја Мата Бошковић - прилог за биографију српског дипломате, Mateja Mata Bošković: A Contribution to the Biography of a Serbian Diplomat",
pages = "155-181",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12432"
}
Бакић, Д.. (2021). Матеја Мата Бошковић - прилог за биографију српског дипломате. in Србија 1918: ослобођење домовине, повратак ратника, живот у новој држави
Чачак : Међуопштински историјски архив., 155-181.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12432
Бакић Д. Матеја Мата Бошковић - прилог за биографију српског дипломате. in Србија 1918: ослобођење домовине, повратак ратника, живот у новој држави. 2021;:155-181.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12432 .
Бакић, Драган, "Матеја Мата Бошковић - прилог за биографију српског дипломате" in Србија 1918: ослобођење домовине, повратак ратника, живот у новој држави (2021):155-181,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12432 .

The Kingdom of Yugoslavia during the Peace Conference and its Aftermaths

Bakić, Dragan

(Baden Baden : Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft, 2020)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Bakić, Dragan
PY  - 2020
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/11609
AB  - The Kingdom of Yugoslavia  grew out of Serbia's victory in the Great War
on the side of the Entente Powers, emerging from the ruins of the Habsburg
Empire, and constituting perhaps the most complex state in Europe in terms
of its ethnic, religious, and cultural make-up. This was a consequence of the
mixture of Habsburg and Ottoman legacies, since the north-western parts of
Yugoslavia had formed part of the Habsburg Empire for centuries. Serbia
as well as Montenegro, meanwhile, had carved their independence out of
the Ottoman Empire in the nineteenth century. To illustrate the complexities
that Yugoslavia had to deal with, it should be noted that the country inherited
and had to digest six different customs jurisdictions, five currencies,
five railway networks, and three separate banking systems
PB  - Baden Baden : Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft
T2  - Vom Nachkrieg zum Vorkrieg: Die Pariser Friedensverträge und die internationale Ordnung der Zwischenkriegszeit
T1  - The Kingdom of Yugoslavia during the Peace Conference and its Aftermaths
SP  - 93
EP  - 107
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_11609
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Bakić, Dragan",
year = "2020",
abstract = "The Kingdom of Yugoslavia  grew out of Serbia's victory in the Great War
on the side of the Entente Powers, emerging from the ruins of the Habsburg
Empire, and constituting perhaps the most complex state in Europe in terms
of its ethnic, religious, and cultural make-up. This was a consequence of the
mixture of Habsburg and Ottoman legacies, since the north-western parts of
Yugoslavia had formed part of the Habsburg Empire for centuries. Serbia
as well as Montenegro, meanwhile, had carved their independence out of
the Ottoman Empire in the nineteenth century. To illustrate the complexities
that Yugoslavia had to deal with, it should be noted that the country inherited
and had to digest six different customs jurisdictions, five currencies,
five railway networks, and three separate banking systems",
publisher = "Baden Baden : Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft",
journal = "Vom Nachkrieg zum Vorkrieg: Die Pariser Friedensverträge und die internationale Ordnung der Zwischenkriegszeit",
booktitle = "The Kingdom of Yugoslavia during the Peace Conference and its Aftermaths",
pages = "93-107",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_11609"
}
Bakić, D.. (2020). The Kingdom of Yugoslavia during the Peace Conference and its Aftermaths. in Vom Nachkrieg zum Vorkrieg: Die Pariser Friedensverträge und die internationale Ordnung der Zwischenkriegszeit
Baden Baden : Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft., 93-107.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_11609
Bakić D. The Kingdom of Yugoslavia during the Peace Conference and its Aftermaths. in Vom Nachkrieg zum Vorkrieg: Die Pariser Friedensverträge und die internationale Ordnung der Zwischenkriegszeit. 2020;:93-107.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_11609 .
Bakić, Dragan, "The Kingdom of Yugoslavia during the Peace Conference and its Aftermaths" in Vom Nachkrieg zum Vorkrieg: Die Pariser Friedensverträge und die internationale Ordnung der Zwischenkriegszeit (2020):93-107,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_11609 .

Dealing with a "17 Stone Germany": British Foreign Policy towards Danubian Europe, 1936-1939

Bakić, Dragan

(Budapest : Central European University Press, 2020)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Bakić, Dragan
PY  - 2020
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/10590
PB  - Budapest : Central European University Press
T2  - Wars and Betweenness: Big Powers in Middle Europe, 1918-1945
T1  - Dealing with a "17 Stone Germany": British Foreign Policy towards Danubian Europe, 1936-1939
SP  - 41
EP  - 59
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10590
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Bakić, Dragan",
year = "2020",
publisher = "Budapest : Central European University Press",
journal = "Wars and Betweenness: Big Powers in Middle Europe, 1918-1945",
booktitle = "Dealing with a "17 Stone Germany": British Foreign Policy towards Danubian Europe, 1936-1939",
pages = "41-59",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10590"
}
Bakić, D.. (2020). Dealing with a "17 Stone Germany": British Foreign Policy towards Danubian Europe, 1936-1939. in Wars and Betweenness: Big Powers in Middle Europe, 1918-1945
Budapest : Central European University Press., 41-59.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10590
Bakić D. Dealing with a "17 Stone Germany": British Foreign Policy towards Danubian Europe, 1936-1939. in Wars and Betweenness: Big Powers in Middle Europe, 1918-1945. 2020;:41-59.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10590 .
Bakić, Dragan, "Dealing with a "17 Stone Germany": British Foreign Policy towards Danubian Europe, 1936-1939" in Wars and Betweenness: Big Powers in Middle Europe, 1918-1945 (2020):41-59,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10590 .

Lukáš Novotný: The British Legation in Prague. Perception of Czech-German Rela-tions in Czechoslovakia between 1933 and 1938. De Gruyter Oldenbourg. Berlin 2019. 284 S. ISBN 978-3-11-064711-2

Bakić, Dragan

(Marburg : Herder-Institut für historische Ostmitteleuropaforschung, 2020)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Bakić, Dragan
PY  - 2020
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/10576
PB  - Marburg : Herder-Institut für historische Ostmitteleuropaforschung
T2  - Die Zeitschrift für Ostmitteleuropa-Forschung / Journal of East Central European Studies
T1  - Lukáš Novotný: The British Legation in Prague. Perception of Czech-German Rela-tions in Czechoslovakia between 1933 and 1938. De Gruyter Oldenbourg. Berlin 2019. 284 S. ISBN 978-3-11-064711-2
SP  - 556
EP  - 557
VL  - 69
IS  - 4
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10576
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Bakić, Dragan",
year = "2020",
publisher = "Marburg : Herder-Institut für historische Ostmitteleuropaforschung",
journal = "Die Zeitschrift für Ostmitteleuropa-Forschung / Journal of East Central European Studies",
title = "Lukáš Novotný: The British Legation in Prague. Perception of Czech-German Rela-tions in Czechoslovakia between 1933 and 1938. De Gruyter Oldenbourg. Berlin 2019. 284 S. ISBN 978-3-11-064711-2",
pages = "556-557",
volume = "69",
number = "4",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10576"
}
Bakić, D.. (2020). Lukáš Novotný: The British Legation in Prague. Perception of Czech-German Rela-tions in Czechoslovakia between 1933 and 1938. De Gruyter Oldenbourg. Berlin 2019. 284 S. ISBN 978-3-11-064711-2. in Die Zeitschrift für Ostmitteleuropa-Forschung / Journal of East Central European Studies
Marburg : Herder-Institut für historische Ostmitteleuropaforschung., 69(4), 556-557.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10576
Bakić D. Lukáš Novotný: The British Legation in Prague. Perception of Czech-German Rela-tions in Czechoslovakia between 1933 and 1938. De Gruyter Oldenbourg. Berlin 2019. 284 S. ISBN 978-3-11-064711-2. in Die Zeitschrift für Ostmitteleuropa-Forschung / Journal of East Central European Studies. 2020;69(4):556-557.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10576 .
Bakić, Dragan, "Lukáš Novotný: The British Legation in Prague. Perception of Czech-German Rela-tions in Czechoslovakia between 1933 and 1938. De Gruyter Oldenbourg. Berlin 2019. 284 S. ISBN 978-3-11-064711-2" in Die Zeitschrift für Ostmitteleuropa-Forschung / Journal of East Central European Studies, 69, no. 4 (2020):556-557,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10576 .

The Serbian Minister in London, Mateja Bošković, the Yugoslav Committee, and Serbia's Yugoslav Policy in the Great War, 1914-1916

Bakić, Dragan

(Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA, 2019)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Bakić, Dragan
PY  - 2019
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/7788
AB  - This paper seeks to examine the outlook of the Serbian Minister in London,
Mateja Mata Bošković, during the first half of the Great War on the South Slav (Yugoslav)
question – a unification of all the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes in a single state, which was
Serbia’s war aim. He found himself in close contact with the members of the Yugoslav
Committee, an organisation of the irredentist Yugoslav émigrés from Austria-Hungary
in which two Croat politicians, Frano Supilo and Ante Trumbić, were leading figures. In
stark contrast to other Serbian diplomats, Bošković was not enthusiastic about Yugoslav
unification. He suspected the Croat émigrés, especially Supilo, of pursuing exclusive
Croat interests under the ruse of the Yugoslav programme. His dealings with them were
made more difficult on account of the siding of a group of British “friends of Serbia”, the
most prominent of which were Robert William Seton-Watson and Henry Wickham
Steed, with the Croat émigrés. Though not opposed in principle to an integral Yugoslav
unification, Bošković preferred staunch defence of Serbian Macedonia from Bulgarian
ambitions and the acquisition of Serb-populated provinces in southern Hungary, while
in the west he seems to have been content with the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina,
part of Slavonia and an outlet to the Adriatic Sea in Dalmatia. Finally, the reception of
and reaction to Bošković’s reports on the part of the Serbian Prime Minister, Nikola Pašić,
clearly shows that the latter was determined to persist in his Yugoslav policy, despite the
Treaty of London which assigned large parts of the Slovene and Croat lands to Italy and
made the creation of Yugoslavia an unlikely proposition. In other words, Pašić did not
vacillate between the “small” and the “large programme”, between Yugoslavia and Greater
Serbia, as it has been often alleged in historiography and public discourse.
PB  - Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA
T2  - Balcanica
T1  - The Serbian Minister in London, Mateja Bošković, the Yugoslav Committee, and Serbia's Yugoslav Policy in the Great War, 1914-1916
SP  - 173
EP  - 215
VL  - L
DO  - 10.2298/BALC1950173B
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7788
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Bakić, Dragan",
year = "2019",
abstract = "This paper seeks to examine the outlook of the Serbian Minister in London,
Mateja Mata Bošković, during the first half of the Great War on the South Slav (Yugoslav)
question – a unification of all the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes in a single state, which was
Serbia’s war aim. He found himself in close contact with the members of the Yugoslav
Committee, an organisation of the irredentist Yugoslav émigrés from Austria-Hungary
in which two Croat politicians, Frano Supilo and Ante Trumbić, were leading figures. In
stark contrast to other Serbian diplomats, Bošković was not enthusiastic about Yugoslav
unification. He suspected the Croat émigrés, especially Supilo, of pursuing exclusive
Croat interests under the ruse of the Yugoslav programme. His dealings with them were
made more difficult on account of the siding of a group of British “friends of Serbia”, the
most prominent of which were Robert William Seton-Watson and Henry Wickham
Steed, with the Croat émigrés. Though not opposed in principle to an integral Yugoslav
unification, Bošković preferred staunch defence of Serbian Macedonia from Bulgarian
ambitions and the acquisition of Serb-populated provinces in southern Hungary, while
in the west he seems to have been content with the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina,
part of Slavonia and an outlet to the Adriatic Sea in Dalmatia. Finally, the reception of
and reaction to Bošković’s reports on the part of the Serbian Prime Minister, Nikola Pašić,
clearly shows that the latter was determined to persist in his Yugoslav policy, despite the
Treaty of London which assigned large parts of the Slovene and Croat lands to Italy and
made the creation of Yugoslavia an unlikely proposition. In other words, Pašić did not
vacillate between the “small” and the “large programme”, between Yugoslavia and Greater
Serbia, as it has been often alleged in historiography and public discourse.",
publisher = "Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA",
journal = "Balcanica",
title = "The Serbian Minister in London, Mateja Bošković, the Yugoslav Committee, and Serbia's Yugoslav Policy in the Great War, 1914-1916",
pages = "173-215",
volume = "L",
doi = "10.2298/BALC1950173B",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7788"
}
Bakić, D.. (2019). The Serbian Minister in London, Mateja Bošković, the Yugoslav Committee, and Serbia's Yugoslav Policy in the Great War, 1914-1916. in Balcanica
Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies SASA., L, 173-215.
https://doi.org/10.2298/BALC1950173B
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7788
Bakić D. The Serbian Minister in London, Mateja Bošković, the Yugoslav Committee, and Serbia's Yugoslav Policy in the Great War, 1914-1916. in Balcanica. 2019;L:173-215.
doi:10.2298/BALC1950173B
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7788 .
Bakić, Dragan, "The Serbian Minister in London, Mateja Bošković, the Yugoslav Committee, and Serbia's Yugoslav Policy in the Great War, 1914-1916" in Balcanica, L (2019):173-215,
https://doi.org/10.2298/BALC1950173B .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7788 .

Alexander Watson, Ring of Steel: Germany and Austria-Hungary at War, 1914-1918. London: Penguin Books, 2015, pp. xv + 788.

Bakić, Dragan

(Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, 2018)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Bakić, Dragan
PY  - 2018
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/5268
PB  - Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts
T2  - Balcanica
T1  - Alexander Watson, Ring of Steel: Germany and Austria-Hungary at War, 1914-1918. London: Penguin Books, 2015, pp. xv + 788.
SP  - 253
EP  - 255
IS  - 49
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5268
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Bakić, Dragan",
year = "2018",
publisher = "Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts",
journal = "Balcanica",
title = "Alexander Watson, Ring of Steel: Germany and Austria-Hungary at War, 1914-1918. London: Penguin Books, 2015, pp. xv + 788.",
pages = "253-255",
number = "49",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5268"
}
Bakić, D.. (2018). Alexander Watson, Ring of Steel: Germany and Austria-Hungary at War, 1914-1918. London: Penguin Books, 2015, pp. xv + 788.. in Balcanica
Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts.(49), 253-255.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5268
Bakić D. Alexander Watson, Ring of Steel: Germany and Austria-Hungary at War, 1914-1918. London: Penguin Books, 2015, pp. xv + 788.. in Balcanica. 2018;(49):253-255.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5268 .
Bakić, Dragan, "Alexander Watson, Ring of Steel: Germany and Austria-Hungary at War, 1914-1918. London: Penguin Books, 2015, pp. xv + 788." in Balcanica, no. 49 (2018):253-255,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5268 .

The Great War and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia: The Legacy of an Enduring Conflict

Bakić, Dragan

(Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, 2018)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Bakić, Dragan
PY  - 2018
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/5265
AB  - The  Kingdom  of  Serbs,  Croats  and  Slovenes,  officially  named  Yugoslavia  after  1929, came into being on the ruins of the Habsburg Empire in 1918 after the immense war efforts  and  sacrifices  endured  by  Serbia.  The  experience  of  anti-Habsburg  struggle  both  before and after 1914 and the memory of some of the most difficult moments in the Great War left a deep imprint on the minds of policy-makers in Belgrade. As they believed that many dangers faced in the war were likely to be revived in the future, the impact of these experiences was instrumental to their post-war foreign policy and military planning. This paper looks at the specific ways in which the legacy of the Great War affected and shaped the (planned) responses of the Yugoslav government to certain crises and challenges posed to  Yugoslavia  and  the  newly-established  order  in  the  region.  These  concern  the  reaction  to the two attempts of Habsburg restoration in Hungary in 1921, the importance of the Greek port of Salonica (Thessaloniki) for Yugoslavia’s strategic and defence requirements, and military planning within the framework of the Little Entente (the defensive alliance between Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia and Romania) in the early 1930s. In addition, it is argued here that the legacy of Serbo-Croat differences during the war relating to the manner of their unification was apparent in the political struggle between Serbs and Croats during the two decades of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia’s existence.
PB  - Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts
T2  - Balcanica
T1  - The Great War and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia: The Legacy of an Enduring Conflict
SP  - 157
EP  - 169
IS  - 49
DO  - 10.2298/BALC1849157B
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5265
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Bakić, Dragan",
year = "2018",
abstract = "The  Kingdom  of  Serbs,  Croats  and  Slovenes,  officially  named  Yugoslavia  after  1929, came into being on the ruins of the Habsburg Empire in 1918 after the immense war efforts  and  sacrifices  endured  by  Serbia.  The  experience  of  anti-Habsburg  struggle  both  before and after 1914 and the memory of some of the most difficult moments in the Great War left a deep imprint on the minds of policy-makers in Belgrade. As they believed that many dangers faced in the war were likely to be revived in the future, the impact of these experiences was instrumental to their post-war foreign policy and military planning. This paper looks at the specific ways in which the legacy of the Great War affected and shaped the (planned) responses of the Yugoslav government to certain crises and challenges posed to  Yugoslavia  and  the  newly-established  order  in  the  region.  These  concern  the  reaction  to the two attempts of Habsburg restoration in Hungary in 1921, the importance of the Greek port of Salonica (Thessaloniki) for Yugoslavia’s strategic and defence requirements, and military planning within the framework of the Little Entente (the defensive alliance between Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia and Romania) in the early 1930s. In addition, it is argued here that the legacy of Serbo-Croat differences during the war relating to the manner of their unification was apparent in the political struggle between Serbs and Croats during the two decades of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia’s existence.",
publisher = "Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts",
journal = "Balcanica",
title = "The Great War and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia: The Legacy of an Enduring Conflict",
pages = "157-169",
number = "49",
doi = "10.2298/BALC1849157B",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5265"
}
Bakić, D.. (2018). The Great War and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia: The Legacy of an Enduring Conflict. in Balcanica
Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts.(49), 157-169.
https://doi.org/10.2298/BALC1849157B
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5265
Bakić D. The Great War and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia: The Legacy of an Enduring Conflict. in Balcanica. 2018;(49):157-169.
doi:10.2298/BALC1849157B
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5265 .
Bakić, Dragan, "The Great War and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia: The Legacy of an Enduring Conflict" in Balcanica, no. 49 (2018):157-169,
https://doi.org/10.2298/BALC1849157B .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5265 .

The Kingdom of Yugoslavia and Great Britain

Bakić, Dragan

(Belgrade : Zepter Book World, 2018)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Bakić, Dragan
PY  - 2018
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/10574
AB  - This paper examines in broad lines the relations between Great Britain and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (Yugoslavia) throughout the two interwar decades of the latter country’s existence. The survey shows that Yugoslavia was the most important country in the Balkans and thus commanded serious attention of British diplomacy, since Yugoslav foreign policy had an impact on Great Power rivalries in South-Eastern Europe incommensurate with her size and actual strength. While Yugoslavia constantly sought security for her borders, the Foreign Office wanted to see her as a pillar of peace and stability in the region. With her permanent troubles with hostile neighbors, most notably Italy, and internal tensions, the main of which was Croat discontent, this was a difficult undertaking for the Belgrade government. The Foreign Office had a good deal of sympathy for Yugoslavia in dealing with her difficulties, but it was also highly critical of Belgrade’s inefficient and corrupt administration. In foreign affairs, Britain often took a dim view of what it perceived as Yugoslavia’s conduct of foreign policy that ran contrary to British policy of all-round appeasement in South-Eastern Europe and later, in the latter half of the 1930s, containment of Nazi Germany. This would eventually lead to British involvement in the 27 March 1941 coup d’état in Belgrade which embroiled Yugoslavia in the Second World War. Keywords: Yugoslavia, Great Britain, Anglo-Yugoslav relations, interwar period
PB  - Belgrade : Zepter Book World
PB  - Belgrade : Faculty of Political Sciences
T2  - British-Serbian relations from the 18th to the 21st centuries
T1  - The Kingdom of Yugoslavia and Great Britain
SP  - 219
EP  - 235
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10574
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Bakić, Dragan",
year = "2018",
abstract = "This paper examines in broad lines the relations between Great Britain and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (Yugoslavia) throughout the two interwar decades of the latter country’s existence. The survey shows that Yugoslavia was the most important country in the Balkans and thus commanded serious attention of British diplomacy, since Yugoslav foreign policy had an impact on Great Power rivalries in South-Eastern Europe incommensurate with her size and actual strength. While Yugoslavia constantly sought security for her borders, the Foreign Office wanted to see her as a pillar of peace and stability in the region. With her permanent troubles with hostile neighbors, most notably Italy, and internal tensions, the main of which was Croat discontent, this was a difficult undertaking for the Belgrade government. The Foreign Office had a good deal of sympathy for Yugoslavia in dealing with her difficulties, but it was also highly critical of Belgrade’s inefficient and corrupt administration. In foreign affairs, Britain often took a dim view of what it perceived as Yugoslavia’s conduct of foreign policy that ran contrary to British policy of all-round appeasement in South-Eastern Europe and later, in the latter half of the 1930s, containment of Nazi Germany. This would eventually lead to British involvement in the 27 March 1941 coup d’état in Belgrade which embroiled Yugoslavia in the Second World War. Keywords: Yugoslavia, Great Britain, Anglo-Yugoslav relations, interwar period",
publisher = "Belgrade : Zepter Book World, Belgrade : Faculty of Political Sciences",
journal = "British-Serbian relations from the 18th to the 21st centuries",
booktitle = "The Kingdom of Yugoslavia and Great Britain",
pages = "219-235",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10574"
}
Bakić, D.. (2018). The Kingdom of Yugoslavia and Great Britain. in British-Serbian relations from the 18th to the 21st centuries
Belgrade : Zepter Book World., 219-235.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10574
Bakić D. The Kingdom of Yugoslavia and Great Britain. in British-Serbian relations from the 18th to the 21st centuries. 2018;:219-235.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10574 .
Bakić, Dragan, "The Kingdom of Yugoslavia and Great Britain" in British-Serbian relations from the 18th to the 21st centuries (2018):219-235,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10574 .

Milan Stojadinović, the Croat Question and the International Position of Yugoslavia, 1935-1939

Bakić, Dragan

(Koper : Zgodovinsko društvo za južno Primorsko, 2018)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Bakić, Dragan
PY  - 2018
UR  - http://zdjp.si/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/AH_26-2018-1_BAKI%C4%86.pdf
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/5263
AB  - This paper analysis the policy of Milan Stojadinović, Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia (1935–1939) towards the Croat question, i.e. the passive resistance with which the Croat Peasant Party led by Vlatko Maček opposed the Belgrade government, struggling for an autonomous status of Croatia. Based on the private papers of Stojadinović and Prince Regent, Paul Karadjordjević, the reports of the well-informed and shrewd British Minister in Belgrade, Ronald Hugh Campbell, as well as the rich literature on the Serbo-Croat relations in the Kingdom, this article attempts to examine Stojadinović’s approach to the Croat problem. It is argued here that Stojadinović’s treatment of the Croat question was closely related to his foreign policy, especially towards Italy and Germany.
PB  - Koper : Zgodovinsko društvo za južno Primorsko
T2  - Acta Histriae
T1  - Milan Stojadinović, the Croat Question and the International Position of Yugoslavia, 1935-1939
SP  - 207
EP  - 228
VL  - 26
IS  - 1
DO  - 10.19233/AH.2018.09
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5263
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Bakić, Dragan",
year = "2018",
abstract = "This paper analysis the policy of Milan Stojadinović, Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia (1935–1939) towards the Croat question, i.e. the passive resistance with which the Croat Peasant Party led by Vlatko Maček opposed the Belgrade government, struggling for an autonomous status of Croatia. Based on the private papers of Stojadinović and Prince Regent, Paul Karadjordjević, the reports of the well-informed and shrewd British Minister in Belgrade, Ronald Hugh Campbell, as well as the rich literature on the Serbo-Croat relations in the Kingdom, this article attempts to examine Stojadinović’s approach to the Croat problem. It is argued here that Stojadinović’s treatment of the Croat question was closely related to his foreign policy, especially towards Italy and Germany.",
publisher = "Koper : Zgodovinsko društvo za južno Primorsko",
journal = "Acta Histriae",
booktitle = "Milan Stojadinović, the Croat Question and the International Position of Yugoslavia, 1935-1939",
pages = "207-228",
volume = "26",
number = "1",
doi = "10.19233/AH.2018.09",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5263"
}
Bakić, D.. (2018). Milan Stojadinović, the Croat Question and the International Position of Yugoslavia, 1935-1939. in Acta Histriae
Koper : Zgodovinsko društvo za južno Primorsko., 26(1), 207-228.
https://doi.org/10.19233/AH.2018.09
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5263
Bakić D. Milan Stojadinović, the Croat Question and the International Position of Yugoslavia, 1935-1939. in Acta Histriae. 2018;26(1):207-228.
doi:10.19233/AH.2018.09
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5263 .
Bakić, Dragan, "Milan Stojadinović, the Croat Question and the International Position of Yugoslavia, 1935-1939" in Acta Histriae, 26, no. 1 (2018):207-228,
https://doi.org/10.19233/AH.2018.09 .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5263 .
1
2

Regent Alexander Karadjordjevic in the First World War

Bakić, Dragan

(Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, 2017)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Bakić, Dragan
PY  - 2017
UR  - http://www.doiserbia.nb.rs/Article.aspx?ID=0350-76531748191B
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/5243
AB  - This paper analyses the role played by Regent Alexander Karađorđević in Serbia’s politics and military effort during the First World War. He assumed the position of an heir-apparent somewhat suddenly in 1909, and then regency, after a political crisis that made his father King Peter I transfer his royal powers to Prince Alexander just days before the outbreak of the war. At the age of twenty-six, Alexander was going to lead his people and army through unprecedented horrors. The young Regent proved to be a proper soldier, who suffered personally, along with his troops, the agonising retreat through Albania in late 1915 and early 1916, and spared no effort to ensure the supplies for the exhausted rank and file of the army. He also proved to be a ruler of great personal ambitions and lack of regard for constitutional boundaries of his position. Alexander tried to be not just a formal commander-in-chief of his army, but also to take over operational command; he would eventually manage to appoint officers to his liking to the positions of the Chief of Staff and Army Minister. He also wanted to remove Nikola Pašić from premiership and facilitate the formation of a cabinet amenable to his wishes, but he did not proceed with this, as the Entente Powers supported the Prime Minister. Instead, Alexander joined forces with Pašić to eliminate the Black Hand organization, a group of officers hostile both to him and the Prime Minister, in the well-known show trial in Salonika in 1917. The victories of the Serbian army in 1918 at the Salonika front led to the liberation of Serbia and the formation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (Yugoslavia), while Alexander emerged as the most powerful political factor in the new state. [Project of the Serbian Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development, Grant no. 177011: History of political ideas and institutions in the Balkans in the 19th and 20th centuries]
PB  - Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts
T2  - Balcanica
T1  - Regent Alexander Karadjordjevic in the First World War
SP  - 191
EP  - 217
IS  - XLVIII
DO  - 10.2298/BALC1748191B
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5243
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Bakić, Dragan",
year = "2017",
abstract = "This paper analyses the role played by Regent Alexander Karađorđević in Serbia’s politics and military effort during the First World War. He assumed the position of an heir-apparent somewhat suddenly in 1909, and then regency, after a political crisis that made his father King Peter I transfer his royal powers to Prince Alexander just days before the outbreak of the war. At the age of twenty-six, Alexander was going to lead his people and army through unprecedented horrors. The young Regent proved to be a proper soldier, who suffered personally, along with his troops, the agonising retreat through Albania in late 1915 and early 1916, and spared no effort to ensure the supplies for the exhausted rank and file of the army. He also proved to be a ruler of great personal ambitions and lack of regard for constitutional boundaries of his position. Alexander tried to be not just a formal commander-in-chief of his army, but also to take over operational command; he would eventually manage to appoint officers to his liking to the positions of the Chief of Staff and Army Minister. He also wanted to remove Nikola Pašić from premiership and facilitate the formation of a cabinet amenable to his wishes, but he did not proceed with this, as the Entente Powers supported the Prime Minister. Instead, Alexander joined forces with Pašić to eliminate the Black Hand organization, a group of officers hostile both to him and the Prime Minister, in the well-known show trial in Salonika in 1917. The victories of the Serbian army in 1918 at the Salonika front led to the liberation of Serbia and the formation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (Yugoslavia), while Alexander emerged as the most powerful political factor in the new state. [Project of the Serbian Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development, Grant no. 177011: History of political ideas and institutions in the Balkans in the 19th and 20th centuries]",
publisher = "Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts",
journal = "Balcanica",
title = "Regent Alexander Karadjordjevic in the First World War",
pages = "191-217",
number = "XLVIII",
doi = "10.2298/BALC1748191B",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5243"
}
Bakić, D.. (2017). Regent Alexander Karadjordjevic in the First World War. in Balcanica
Belgrade : Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts.(XLVIII), 191-217.
https://doi.org/10.2298/BALC1748191B
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5243
Bakić D. Regent Alexander Karadjordjevic in the First World War. in Balcanica. 2017;(XLVIII):191-217.
doi:10.2298/BALC1748191B
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5243 .
Bakić, Dragan, "Regent Alexander Karadjordjevic in the First World War" in Balcanica, no. XLVIII (2017):191-217,
https://doi.org/10.2298/BALC1748191B .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5243 .
3

Britain and Interwar Danubian Europe: Foreign Policy and Security Challenges, 1919–1936

Bakić, Dragan

(London ; New York : Bloomsbury Academic, 2017)

TY  - BOOK
AU  - Bakić, Dragan
PY  - 2017
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/5262
AB  - Danubian Europe presented constant and serious security risks for European peace and stability and, for that reason, contrary to conventional wisdom, it commanded the attention of British diplomacy with a view to appeasing local conflicts. Britain and Interwar Danubian Europe examines the manner in which the Foreign Office perceived and treated the antagonism between the Little Entente, comprised of Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia and Romania, and Hungary, on the one hand, and revisionist Bulgaria and her neighbours in the Balkans, on the other, and the impact that these local conflicts had in connection with Franco-Italian rivalry in Central/South-Eastern Europe. With Hitler's accession to power, Danubian Europe was viewed in Whitehall in relation to its place in the prospective policy for preserving Austrian independence and containing German aggression. Dragan Bakic argues that the British approach to security problems in Danubian Europe had certain permanent features which stemmed from the general British outlook on the new successor states -the members of the Little Entente- founded on the ruins of the Habsburg monarchy. This book shows that it was the lack of confidence in their stability and permanence, as well as the misperceptions about the motives and intentions of the policies pursued by other Powers towards Central/South-Eastern Europe, which accounted for the apparent sluggishness and ineffectiveness of the Foreign Office's dealings with security challenges.
PB  - London ; New York : Bloomsbury Academic
T1  - Britain and Interwar Danubian Europe: Foreign Policy and Security Challenges, 1919–1936
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5262
ER  - 
@book{
author = "Bakić, Dragan",
year = "2017",
abstract = "Danubian Europe presented constant and serious security risks for European peace and stability and, for that reason, contrary to conventional wisdom, it commanded the attention of British diplomacy with a view to appeasing local conflicts. Britain and Interwar Danubian Europe examines the manner in which the Foreign Office perceived and treated the antagonism between the Little Entente, comprised of Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia and Romania, and Hungary, on the one hand, and revisionist Bulgaria and her neighbours in the Balkans, on the other, and the impact that these local conflicts had in connection with Franco-Italian rivalry in Central/South-Eastern Europe. With Hitler's accession to power, Danubian Europe was viewed in Whitehall in relation to its place in the prospective policy for preserving Austrian independence and containing German aggression. Dragan Bakic argues that the British approach to security problems in Danubian Europe had certain permanent features which stemmed from the general British outlook on the new successor states -the members of the Little Entente- founded on the ruins of the Habsburg monarchy. This book shows that it was the lack of confidence in their stability and permanence, as well as the misperceptions about the motives and intentions of the policies pursued by other Powers towards Central/South-Eastern Europe, which accounted for the apparent sluggishness and ineffectiveness of the Foreign Office's dealings with security challenges.",
publisher = "London ; New York : Bloomsbury Academic",
title = "Britain and Interwar Danubian Europe: Foreign Policy and Security Challenges, 1919–1936",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5262"
}
Bakić, D.. (2017). Britain and Interwar Danubian Europe: Foreign Policy and Security Challenges, 1919–1936. 
London ; New York : Bloomsbury Academic..
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5262
Bakić D. Britain and Interwar Danubian Europe: Foreign Policy and Security Challenges, 1919–1936. 2017;.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5262 .
Bakić, Dragan, "Britain and Interwar Danubian Europe: Foreign Policy and Security Challenges, 1919–1936" (2017),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_5262 .