Коматина, Предраг

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  • Коматина, Предраг (30)
  • Komatina, Predrag (10)
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Author's Bibliography

The Diocesan Structure of the Archbishopric of Ohrid in the Charters of Basil II: Historical Development until the Early 11th Century

Komatina, Predrag

(Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ, 2023)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Komatina, Predrag
PY  - 2023
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/16419
AB  - The paper discusses the diocesan structure of the Archbishopric of Ohrid as conveyed in the charters of the Byzantine emperor Basil II issued in 1019, 1020 and 1020–1025. It looks at the origin of each bishopric and traces its historical development during the First Bulgarian Empire in 864–971, the Byzantine reoccupation under John I Tzimiskes in 971–976, and Samuel’s Empire in 976–1018.
AB  - Осврт на историјски развој епископија које се као подложне архиепископу Бугарске у Охриду наводе у повељама цара Василија II из 1019, 1020. и 1020–1025. пружа могућност да се дође одређених закључака о њиховим коренима и карактеру. Црква у Бугарској је од самог свог настанка, након што се Цариградска патријашија на црквеном сабору у Цариграду 869/870. изборила са претензијама Римске цркве за духовни утицај у новопокрштеној земљи, припадала духовној сфери византијске цркве, најпре непосредно, а од 880. као аутокефална црквена област.
PB  - Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ
T2  - Зборник радова Византолошког института
T1  - The Diocesan Structure of the Archbishopric of Ohrid in the Charters of Basil II: Historical Development until the Early 11th Century
T1  - Епархијска структура Охридске архиепископије према повељама цара Василија II: историјски развој до почетка XI века
SP  - 789
EP  - 821
VL  - 60
IS  - 2
DO  - 10.2298/ZRVI2360789K
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_16419
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Komatina, Predrag",
year = "2023",
abstract = "The paper discusses the diocesan structure of the Archbishopric of Ohrid as conveyed in the charters of the Byzantine emperor Basil II issued in 1019, 1020 and 1020–1025. It looks at the origin of each bishopric and traces its historical development during the First Bulgarian Empire in 864–971, the Byzantine reoccupation under John I Tzimiskes in 971–976, and Samuel’s Empire in 976–1018., Осврт на историјски развој епископија које се као подложне архиепископу Бугарске у Охриду наводе у повељама цара Василија II из 1019, 1020. и 1020–1025. пружа могућност да се дође одређених закључака о њиховим коренима и карактеру. Црква у Бугарској је од самог свог настанка, након што се Цариградска патријашија на црквеном сабору у Цариграду 869/870. изборила са претензијама Римске цркве за духовни утицај у новопокрштеној земљи, припадала духовној сфери византијске цркве, најпре непосредно, а од 880. као аутокефална црквена област.",
publisher = "Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ",
journal = "Зборник радова Византолошког института",
title = "The Diocesan Structure of the Archbishopric of Ohrid in the Charters of Basil II: Historical Development until the Early 11th Century, Епархијска структура Охридске архиепископије према повељама цара Василија II: историјски развој до почетка XI века",
pages = "789-821",
volume = "60",
number = "2",
doi = "10.2298/ZRVI2360789K",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_16419"
}
Komatina, P.. (2023). The Diocesan Structure of the Archbishopric of Ohrid in the Charters of Basil II: Historical Development until the Early 11th Century. in Зборник радова Византолошког института
Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ., 60(2), 789-821.
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI2360789K
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_16419
Komatina P. The Diocesan Structure of the Archbishopric of Ohrid in the Charters of Basil II: Historical Development until the Early 11th Century. in Зборник радова Византолошког института. 2023;60(2):789-821.
doi:10.2298/ZRVI2360789K
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_16419 .
Komatina, Predrag, "The Diocesan Structure of the Archbishopric of Ohrid in the Charters of Basil II: Historical Development until the Early 11th Century" in Зборник радова Византолошког института, 60, no. 2 (2023):789-821,
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI2360789K .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_16419 .

Српско-византијски односи крајем XI и почетком XII века

Коматина, Предраг

(Нови Сад : Матица српска, 2023)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Коматина, Предраг
PY  - 2023
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/16069
AB  - После краћег осврта на политички развој српске државе за време владавине дукљанске династије од краја X до краја XI века, излагање се усмерава на односе између српске државе и Ромејског царства од времена краља Бодина и Вукана и њихове борбе са драчким дуком Јованом Дуком између 1085. и 1091. Разматра се питање територи јалне поделе надле жности између краља Бодина и Вукана и значаја Бодиновог заробљавања 1091. за Вуканово даље деловање као самосталног српског владара, у вези са чим се указу је на околност да Вукан 1093–1094. иступа потпуно самостално у односима са царем Алексијем I Комнином, као и на чињеницу да се од тог времена у византијским изворима о Србији и Дукљи говори као о посебним територијама. Након тога се даје осврт на природу српско-византијских односа од уговора из 1094. до смрти цара Алексија I Комнина 1118.  године и разматра поход цара Јована II Комнина против Срба 1123, којим су они били принуђени да признају царску врховну власт, као и њихова побуна у време византијско-угарског рата 1127–1129. године.
AB  - It is known that the family of Stefan Nemanja, which according to his contemporaries had ruled Serbia „from the beginning” stemmed from Diocela. The earliest information about the rule of the Dioclean dynasty in Serbia comes from the time of John Vladimir at beginning of the 11th century. After a brief Byzantine reconquest in 1018, when Serbia in 1034–1036 and in 1039 was finally freed from the Byzantine authority, it was ruled by Stefan Vojislav, who, just as John Vladimir some decades earlier, ruled both Dioclea and Serbia. The political and territorial integrity of the Serbian and Maritime lands was preserved during the reign of his son Michael and grandson Constantine Bodin until 1091. The battles that King Bodin and his deputy Vukan led against the Byzantine governor in Durres, John Ducas, between 1085 and 1092, had primarily the character of border conflicts. Bodin’s defeat by John Ducas and his capture in 1091 were of key importance for Bodin’s position and the further development of Serbian statehood. The captivity weakened his authority and allowed Vukan to become an independent ruler of Serbia. Bodin was released in 1093 and concluded a treaty with the emperor that he would not attack the imperial territory, but after that as the Serbian king he ruled only the Maritime lands. Vukan, as the ruler of Serbia, continued independently the fight with the emperor and his lieutenants in the border area around Lipljan during 1093 and 1094, in which he had some success, but he did not have enough strength to enter into a decisive battle with the emperor himself, so after a long delay in 1094 he had to agree to a peace treaty in which he promised to return the conquered territories and not to attack the imperial possessions any more, and to hand over the hostages “from his relatives” to the emperor as a pledge that he would comply with his obligations. On that occasion, however, he did not recognize the nominal supreme authority of the emperor. The Serbs remained faithful to their obligations from the treaty with the emperor until the death of Alexius I in 1118, and in that period there were no new Serbian-Byzantine conflicts. However, after the emperor’s death, the Serbs broke the treaty and started attacking the imperial territory again. Because of this, Alexius’ son and successor John II Comnenus personally led a campaign against them in 1123, defeated them and forced them to accept a new treaty in which they committed to recognize the supreme authority of the emperor. On that occasion, the emperor also established a Byzantine military garrison in the fortress of Ras. The imperial power fell hard on the Serbs, so they took the first opportunity to rebel against it, and during the Byzantine-Hungarian war of 1127–1129 attacked the fortress and the military garrison there. As the Byzantine side won the war, the Serbs probably submitted again, and the imperial power over Serbia, despite frequent attempts by the Serbian rulers to liberate it with Hungarian help, remained firm until the reign of Stefan Nemanja (1166–1196).
PB  - Нови Сад : Матица српска
T2  - Зборник Матице српске за историју
T1  - Српско-византијски односи крајем XI и почетком XII века
T1  - Serbian-Byzantine relations at the end of the 11th and the beginning of the 12th century
SP  - 9
EP  - 20
VL  - 107
DO  - 10.18485/ms_zmsi.2023.107.1
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_16069
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Коматина, Предраг",
year = "2023",
abstract = "После краћег осврта на политички развој српске државе за време владавине дукљанске династије од краја X до краја XI века, излагање се усмерава на односе између српске државе и Ромејског царства од времена краља Бодина и Вукана и њихове борбе са драчким дуком Јованом Дуком између 1085. и 1091. Разматра се питање територи јалне поделе надле жности између краља Бодина и Вукана и значаја Бодиновог заробљавања 1091. за Вуканово даље деловање као самосталног српског владара, у вези са чим се указу је на околност да Вукан 1093–1094. иступа потпуно самостално у односима са царем Алексијем I Комнином, као и на чињеницу да се од тог времена у византијским изворима о Србији и Дукљи говори као о посебним територијама. Након тога се даје осврт на природу српско-византијских односа од уговора из 1094. до смрти цара Алексија I Комнина 1118.  године и разматра поход цара Јована II Комнина против Срба 1123, којим су они били принуђени да признају царску врховну власт, као и њихова побуна у време византијско-угарског рата 1127–1129. године., It is known that the family of Stefan Nemanja, which according to his contemporaries had ruled Serbia „from the beginning” stemmed from Diocela. The earliest information about the rule of the Dioclean dynasty in Serbia comes from the time of John Vladimir at beginning of the 11th century. After a brief Byzantine reconquest in 1018, when Serbia in 1034–1036 and in 1039 was finally freed from the Byzantine authority, it was ruled by Stefan Vojislav, who, just as John Vladimir some decades earlier, ruled both Dioclea and Serbia. The political and territorial integrity of the Serbian and Maritime lands was preserved during the reign of his son Michael and grandson Constantine Bodin until 1091. The battles that King Bodin and his deputy Vukan led against the Byzantine governor in Durres, John Ducas, between 1085 and 1092, had primarily the character of border conflicts. Bodin’s defeat by John Ducas and his capture in 1091 were of key importance for Bodin’s position and the further development of Serbian statehood. The captivity weakened his authority and allowed Vukan to become an independent ruler of Serbia. Bodin was released in 1093 and concluded a treaty with the emperor that he would not attack the imperial territory, but after that as the Serbian king he ruled only the Maritime lands. Vukan, as the ruler of Serbia, continued independently the fight with the emperor and his lieutenants in the border area around Lipljan during 1093 and 1094, in which he had some success, but he did not have enough strength to enter into a decisive battle with the emperor himself, so after a long delay in 1094 he had to agree to a peace treaty in which he promised to return the conquered territories and not to attack the imperial possessions any more, and to hand over the hostages “from his relatives” to the emperor as a pledge that he would comply with his obligations. On that occasion, however, he did not recognize the nominal supreme authority of the emperor. The Serbs remained faithful to their obligations from the treaty with the emperor until the death of Alexius I in 1118, and in that period there were no new Serbian-Byzantine conflicts. However, after the emperor’s death, the Serbs broke the treaty and started attacking the imperial territory again. Because of this, Alexius’ son and successor John II Comnenus personally led a campaign against them in 1123, defeated them and forced them to accept a new treaty in which they committed to recognize the supreme authority of the emperor. On that occasion, the emperor also established a Byzantine military garrison in the fortress of Ras. The imperial power fell hard on the Serbs, so they took the first opportunity to rebel against it, and during the Byzantine-Hungarian war of 1127–1129 attacked the fortress and the military garrison there. As the Byzantine side won the war, the Serbs probably submitted again, and the imperial power over Serbia, despite frequent attempts by the Serbian rulers to liberate it with Hungarian help, remained firm until the reign of Stefan Nemanja (1166–1196).",
publisher = "Нови Сад : Матица српска",
journal = "Зборник Матице српске за историју",
title = "Српско-византијски односи крајем XI и почетком XII века, Serbian-Byzantine relations at the end of the 11th and the beginning of the 12th century",
pages = "9-20",
volume = "107",
doi = "10.18485/ms_zmsi.2023.107.1",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_16069"
}
Коматина, П.. (2023). Српско-византијски односи крајем XI и почетком XII века. in Зборник Матице српске за историју
Нови Сад : Матица српска., 107, 9-20.
https://doi.org/10.18485/ms_zmsi.2023.107.1
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_16069
Коматина П. Српско-византијски односи крајем XI и почетком XII века. in Зборник Матице српске за историју. 2023;107:9-20.
doi:10.18485/ms_zmsi.2023.107.1
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_16069 .
Коматина, Предраг, "Српско-византијски односи крајем XI и почетком XII века" in Зборник Матице српске за историју, 107 (2023):9-20,
https://doi.org/10.18485/ms_zmsi.2023.107.1 .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_16069 .

On the question of the Byzantine rule in Croatia in the late 10th and early 11th century

Komatina, Predrag

(Београд : Историјски институт, 2022)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Komatina, Predrag
PY  - 2022
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/13741
AB  - The paper addresses the relationship between the Byzantine emperors and
Croatia and its position in the context of the Byzantine re-occupation of the Balkan
Peninsula on two occasions: in the late 10th (971) and early 11th century (1018). It also
discusses the Byzantine court dignities of the Croatian rulers Držislav and Krešimir and
suggests the possibility that direct imperial rule existed in Croatia in the second quarter
of the 11th century.
Рад се бави односом између византијских царева и Хрватске и
њеним местом у контексту византијске реокупације Балканског полуострва у два
наврата: крајем X (971) и почетком XI века (1018). Такође се разматрају ознаке
византијског достојанства додељене хрватским владарима Држиславу и
Крешимиру и сугерише се могућност постојања непосредне царске власти у
Хрватској у другој четвртини XI века.
PB  - Београд : Историјски институт
T2  - Историјски часопис/The Historical Review
T1  - On the question of the Byzantine rule in Croatia in the late 10th and early 11th century
SP  - 11
EP  - 34
VL  - 71
DO  - 10.34298/IC2271011K
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_13741
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Komatina, Predrag",
year = "2022",
abstract = "The paper addresses the relationship between the Byzantine emperors and
Croatia and its position in the context of the Byzantine re-occupation of the Balkan
Peninsula on two occasions: in the late 10th (971) and early 11th century (1018). It also
discusses the Byzantine court dignities of the Croatian rulers Držislav and Krešimir and
suggests the possibility that direct imperial rule existed in Croatia in the second quarter
of the 11th century.
Рад се бави односом између византијских царева и Хрватске и
њеним местом у контексту византијске реокупације Балканског полуострва у два
наврата: крајем X (971) и почетком XI века (1018). Такође се разматрају ознаке
византијског достојанства додељене хрватским владарима Држиславу и
Крешимиру и сугерише се могућност постојања непосредне царске власти у
Хрватској у другој четвртини XI века.",
publisher = "Београд : Историјски институт",
journal = "Историјски часопис/The Historical Review",
title = "On the question of the Byzantine rule in Croatia in the late 10th and early 11th century",
pages = "11-34",
volume = "71",
doi = "10.34298/IC2271011K",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_13741"
}
Komatina, P.. (2022). On the question of the Byzantine rule in Croatia in the late 10th and early 11th century. in Историјски часопис/The Historical Review
Београд : Историјски институт., 71, 11-34.
https://doi.org/10.34298/IC2271011K
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_13741
Komatina P. On the question of the Byzantine rule in Croatia in the late 10th and early 11th century. in Историјски часопис/The Historical Review. 2022;71:11-34.
doi:10.34298/IC2271011K
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_13741 .
Komatina, Predrag, "On the question of the Byzantine rule in Croatia in the late 10th and early 11th century" in Историјски часопис/The Historical Review, 71 (2022):11-34,
https://doi.org/10.34298/IC2271011K .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_13741 .
1

Андрей Юрьевич Митрофанов, Император Алексей I Комнин и его стратегия, Издательство Санкт-Петербургской Православной Духовной Академии, Санкт-Петербург 2020, 278 стр.

Коматина, Предраг

(Београд : Историјски институт Београд, 2022)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Коматина, Предраг
PY  - 2022
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/16071
PB  - Београд : Историјски институт Београд
T2  - Историјски часопис/The Historical Review
T1  - Андрей Юрьевич Митрофанов, Император Алексей I Комнин и его стратегия, Издательство Санкт-Петербургской Православной Духовной Академии, Санкт-Петербург 2020, 278 стр.
SP  - 571
EP  - 574
VL  - 71
DO  - 10.34298/IC
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_16071
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Коматина, Предраг",
year = "2022",
publisher = "Београд : Историјски институт Београд",
journal = "Историјски часопис/The Historical Review",
title = "Андрей Юрьевич Митрофанов, Император Алексей I Комнин и его стратегия, Издательство Санкт-Петербургской Православной Духовной Академии, Санкт-Петербург 2020, 278 стр.",
pages = "571-574",
volume = "71",
doi = "10.34298/IC",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_16071"
}
Коматина, П.. (2022). Андрей Юрьевич Митрофанов, Император Алексей I Комнин и его стратегия, Издательство Санкт-Петербургской Православной Духовной Академии, Санкт-Петербург 2020, 278 стр.. in Историјски часопис/The Historical Review
Београд : Историјски институт Београд., 71, 571-574.
https://doi.org/10.34298/IC
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_16071
Коматина П. Андрей Юрьевич Митрофанов, Император Алексей I Комнин и его стратегия, Издательство Санкт-Петербургской Православной Духовной Академии, Санкт-Петербург 2020, 278 стр.. in Историјски часопис/The Historical Review. 2022;71:571-574.
doi:10.34298/IC
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_16071 .
Коматина, Предраг, "Андрей Юрьевич Митрофанов, Император Алексей I Комнин и его стратегия, Издательство Санкт-Петербургской Православной Духовной Академии, Санкт-Петербург 2020, 278 стр." in Историјски часопис/The Historical Review, 71 (2022):571-574,
https://doi.org/10.34298/IC .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_16071 .

Краљ, краљице и сродници. Брачне стратегије и правци политике

Коматина, Предраг

(Београд : Задужбина светог манастира Хиландара, 2022)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Коматина, Предраг
PY  - 2022
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/15919
AB  - У раду се разматра брачна политика српског краља Стефана Уроша II (Милутина) од првих неуспешних преговора о његовом венчању са Аном Палеологином, кћерком цара Михаила VIII Палеолога, до његовог венчања са једном другом царском принцезом, Симонидом Палеологином, кћерком цара Андроника II Палеолога, тридесетак година касније. Даје се осврт на хронологију његових бракова и њихов политички значај, са посебним нагласком на питање датирања његовог брака са угарском принцезом Јелисаветом.
AB  - The paper examines the marital policy of King Stefan Uroš II Milutin from the first unsuccessful negotiations of a union with Ana Palaiologina, daughter of Emperor Michael VIII Palaiologos, to the king’s marriage to another imperial princess, Simonida Palaiologina, daughter of Andronicus II Palaiologos, some thirty years later. The chronology and political significance of the king’s marriages are discussed, paying particular attention to the problem of dating his marriage to the Hungarian princess, Elizabeth.
PB  - Београд : Задужбина светог манастира Хиландара
T2  - Свети краљ Милутин - владар на раскршћима светова
T1  - Краљ, краљице и сродници. Брачне стратегије и правци политике
T1  - The King, the Queens and the Relatives. Marital strategies and the directions of politics
SP  - 81
EP  - 107
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_15919
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Коматина, Предраг",
year = "2022",
abstract = "У раду се разматра брачна политика српског краља Стефана Уроша II (Милутина) од првих неуспешних преговора о његовом венчању са Аном Палеологином, кћерком цара Михаила VIII Палеолога, до његовог венчања са једном другом царском принцезом, Симонидом Палеологином, кћерком цара Андроника II Палеолога, тридесетак година касније. Даје се осврт на хронологију његових бракова и њихов политички значај, са посебним нагласком на питање датирања његовог брака са угарском принцезом Јелисаветом., The paper examines the marital policy of King Stefan Uroš II Milutin from the first unsuccessful negotiations of a union with Ana Palaiologina, daughter of Emperor Michael VIII Palaiologos, to the king’s marriage to another imperial princess, Simonida Palaiologina, daughter of Andronicus II Palaiologos, some thirty years later. The chronology and political significance of the king’s marriages are discussed, paying particular attention to the problem of dating his marriage to the Hungarian princess, Elizabeth.",
publisher = "Београд : Задужбина светог манастира Хиландара",
journal = "Свети краљ Милутин - владар на раскршћима светова",
booktitle = "Краљ, краљице и сродници. Брачне стратегије и правци политике, The King, the Queens and the Relatives. Marital strategies and the directions of politics",
pages = "81-107",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_15919"
}
Коматина, П.. (2022). Краљ, краљице и сродници. Брачне стратегије и правци политике. in Свети краљ Милутин - владар на раскршћима светова
Београд : Задужбина светог манастира Хиландара., 81-107.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_15919
Коматина П. Краљ, краљице и сродници. Брачне стратегије и правци политике. in Свети краљ Милутин - владар на раскршћима светова. 2022;:81-107.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_15919 .
Коматина, Предраг, "Краљ, краљице и сродници. Брачне стратегије и правци политике" in Свети краљ Милутин - владар на раскршћима светова (2022):81-107,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_15919 .

О натпису на крстионици из времена кнеза Вишеслава. Нека епиграфска запажања

Коматина, Предраг

(Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ, 2022)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Коматина, Предраг
PY  - 2022
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/13852
AB  - У раду се разматрају неке епиграфске особености натписа на крстионици свештеника Јована из времена кнеза Вишеслава с краја VIII и почетка IX века и указује на сличности и подударности између њих и натписа которског епископа Јована на архитраву у которској Катедрали Св. Трифуна из 805. године. На основу њих се износи претпоставка да би се и крстионица могла приписати познатој „которској клесарској радионици из времена епископа Јована“.
AB  - The paper discusses some epigraphic features of the inscription on the baptismal font of the priest John from the time of Prince Višeslav from the end of the 8th and the beginning of the 9th century and points out the similarities and parallels between it and the inscription of Bishop John of Kotor on the architrave in the Kotor Cathedral of St. Tryphon from 805. Based on them, it is assumed that the baptismal font could also be attributed to the famous “Kotor stonecarvers’ workshop from the time of Bishop John”.
PB  - Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ
T2  - Зборник радова Византолошког института
T1  - О натпису на крстионици из времена кнеза Вишеслава. Нека епиграфска запажања
T1  - On the inscription on the baptismal font from the time of prince Višeslav. Some epigraphic remarks
SP  - 7
EP  - 25
VL  - 59
DO  - 10.2298/ZRVI2259007K
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_13852
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Коматина, Предраг",
year = "2022",
abstract = "У раду се разматрају неке епиграфске особености натписа на крстионици свештеника Јована из времена кнеза Вишеслава с краја VIII и почетка IX века и указује на сличности и подударности између њих и натписа которског епископа Јована на архитраву у которској Катедрали Св. Трифуна из 805. године. На основу њих се износи претпоставка да би се и крстионица могла приписати познатој „которској клесарској радионици из времена епископа Јована“., The paper discusses some epigraphic features of the inscription on the baptismal font of the priest John from the time of Prince Višeslav from the end of the 8th and the beginning of the 9th century and points out the similarities and parallels between it and the inscription of Bishop John of Kotor on the architrave in the Kotor Cathedral of St. Tryphon from 805. Based on them, it is assumed that the baptismal font could also be attributed to the famous “Kotor stonecarvers’ workshop from the time of Bishop John”.",
publisher = "Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ",
journal = "Зборник радова Византолошког института",
title = "О натпису на крстионици из времена кнеза Вишеслава. Нека епиграфска запажања, On the inscription on the baptismal font from the time of prince Višeslav. Some epigraphic remarks",
pages = "7-25",
volume = "59",
doi = "10.2298/ZRVI2259007K",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_13852"
}
Коматина, П.. (2022). О натпису на крстионици из времена кнеза Вишеслава. Нека епиграфска запажања. in Зборник радова Византолошког института
Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ., 59, 7-25.
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI2259007K
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_13852
Коматина П. О натпису на крстионици из времена кнеза Вишеслава. Нека епиграфска запажања. in Зборник радова Византолошког института. 2022;59:7-25.
doi:10.2298/ZRVI2259007K
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_13852 .
Коматина, Предраг, "О натпису на крстионици из времена кнеза Вишеслава. Нека епиграфска запажања" in Зборник радова Византолошког института, 59 (2022):7-25,
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI2259007K .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_13852 .
1

Family Patrimony and the Legacy of the First-Born Son. Some Examples From European Monarchies in the 11th–12th Centuries / Породична баштина и наслеђе прворођеног сина. Примери из европских монархија у XI–XII веку

Komatina, Ivana; Komatina, Predrag

(Novi Sad : Univerzitet u Novom Sadu, Filozofski fakultet, 2021)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Komatina, Ivana
AU  - Komatina, Predrag
PY  - 2021
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/12362
AB  - The paper examines the concept of family patrimony on the example of three medieval monarchies between the mid-11th and late 12th centuries. Though far away from one another, Spain, England and Serbia witnessed almost identical political circumstances when the ruler passed the throne to a younger son, bypassing the first-born son, thereby also directly infringing the right of primogeniture. As a rule, such decision resulted in years-long conflicts among the brothers. However, the common denominator in all three cases is that family patrimony was entrusted to the eldest son regardless of the fact that he was not an heir to the throne, which implies that it was his inalienable right.
PB  - Novi Sad : Univerzitet u Novom Sadu, Filozofski fakultet
T2  - Istraživanja - Journal of Historical Researches / Istraživanja - časopis za istoriju
T1  - Family Patrimony and the Legacy of the First-Born Son. Some Examples From European Monarchies in the 11th–12th Centuries / Породична баштина и наслеђе прворођеног сина. Примери из европских монархија у XI–XII веку
VL  - 32
DO  - 10.19090/i.2021.32.36-54
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12362
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Komatina, Ivana and Komatina, Predrag",
year = "2021",
abstract = "The paper examines the concept of family patrimony on the example of three medieval monarchies between the mid-11th and late 12th centuries. Though far away from one another, Spain, England and Serbia witnessed almost identical political circumstances when the ruler passed the throne to a younger son, bypassing the first-born son, thereby also directly infringing the right of primogeniture. As a rule, such decision resulted in years-long conflicts among the brothers. However, the common denominator in all three cases is that family patrimony was entrusted to the eldest son regardless of the fact that he was not an heir to the throne, which implies that it was his inalienable right.",
publisher = "Novi Sad : Univerzitet u Novom Sadu, Filozofski fakultet",
journal = "Istraživanja - Journal of Historical Researches / Istraživanja - časopis za istoriju",
title = "Family Patrimony and the Legacy of the First-Born Son. Some Examples From European Monarchies in the 11th–12th Centuries / Породична баштина и наслеђе прворођеног сина. Примери из европских монархија у XI–XII веку",
volume = "32",
doi = "10.19090/i.2021.32.36-54",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12362"
}
Komatina, I.,& Komatina, P.. (2021). Family Patrimony and the Legacy of the First-Born Son. Some Examples From European Monarchies in the 11th–12th Centuries / Породична баштина и наслеђе прворођеног сина. Примери из европских монархија у XI–XII веку. in Istraživanja - Journal of Historical Researches / Istraživanja - časopis za istoriju
Novi Sad : Univerzitet u Novom Sadu, Filozofski fakultet., 32.
https://doi.org/10.19090/i.2021.32.36-54
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12362
Komatina I, Komatina P. Family Patrimony and the Legacy of the First-Born Son. Some Examples From European Monarchies in the 11th–12th Centuries / Породична баштина и наслеђе прворођеног сина. Примери из европских монархија у XI–XII веку. in Istraživanja - Journal of Historical Researches / Istraživanja - časopis za istoriju. 2021;32.
doi:10.19090/i.2021.32.36-54
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12362 .
Komatina, Ivana, Komatina, Predrag, "Family Patrimony and the Legacy of the First-Born Son. Some Examples From European Monarchies in the 11th–12th Centuries / Породична баштина и наслеђе прворођеног сина. Примери из европских монархија у XI–XII веку" in Istraživanja - Journal of Historical Researches / Istraživanja - časopis za istoriju, 32 (2021),
https://doi.org/10.19090/i.2021.32.36-54 .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12362 .
3

The Kangar of De administrando imperio and the Hungarian-Bashkir Controversy

Komatina, Predrag

(Budapest : ELTE Eötvös-József-Collegium, 2021)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Komatina, Predrag
PY  - 2021
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/12203
AB  - There are in the work De administrando imperio of the Byzantine emperor 
Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus (913–959), composed between 948 and 952, 
two interesting pieces of information about the people called Kangar (Κάγγαρ). 
It should be known that the Pechenegs are also called Kangar, though 
not all of them, but only the folk of the three provinces of Iabdierti and 
Kouartzitzour and Chabouxingyla, for they are more valiant and noble 
than the rest; for that is what the appellation Kangar means.
PB  - Budapest : ELTE Eötvös-József-Collegium
T2  - Byzanz und das Abendland VII. Studia Byzantino-Occidentali
T1  - The Kangar of De administrando imperio and the Hungarian-Bashkir  Controversy
SP  - 205
EP  - 223
VL  - 42
DO  - 10.37584/BuA_7.205.223
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12203
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Komatina, Predrag",
year = "2021",
abstract = "There are in the work De administrando imperio of the Byzantine emperor 
Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus (913–959), composed between 948 and 952, 
two interesting pieces of information about the people called Kangar (Κάγγαρ). 
It should be known that the Pechenegs are also called Kangar, though 
not all of them, but only the folk of the three provinces of Iabdierti and 
Kouartzitzour and Chabouxingyla, for they are more valiant and noble 
than the rest; for that is what the appellation Kangar means.",
publisher = "Budapest : ELTE Eötvös-József-Collegium",
journal = "Byzanz und das Abendland VII. Studia Byzantino-Occidentali",
booktitle = "The Kangar of De administrando imperio and the Hungarian-Bashkir  Controversy",
pages = "205-223",
volume = "42",
doi = "10.37584/BuA_7.205.223",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12203"
}
Komatina, P.. (2021). The Kangar of De administrando imperio and the Hungarian-Bashkir  Controversy. in Byzanz und das Abendland VII. Studia Byzantino-Occidentali
Budapest : ELTE Eötvös-József-Collegium., 42, 205-223.
https://doi.org/10.37584/BuA_7.205.223
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12203
Komatina P. The Kangar of De administrando imperio and the Hungarian-Bashkir  Controversy. in Byzanz und das Abendland VII. Studia Byzantino-Occidentali. 2021;42:205-223.
doi:10.37584/BuA_7.205.223
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12203 .
Komatina, Predrag, "The Kangar of De administrando imperio and the Hungarian-Bashkir  Controversy" in Byzanz und das Abendland VII. Studia Byzantino-Occidentali, 42 (2021):205-223,
https://doi.org/10.37584/BuA_7.205.223 .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12203 .

Зборник радова Византолошког института. Књ. 55 и 56 ; „E, е, шта је то?“ : евнуси у војном врху византијског царства : (780–1025) : [представљање књига на Трибини Библиотеке САНУ, Београд, 29. септембар 2020. године]

Крсмановић, Бојана; Коматина, Предраг; Џелебџић, Дејан; Максимовић, Љубомир

(Београд : Српска академија наука и уметности, 2021)

TY  - GEN
AU  - Крсмановић, Бојана
AU  - Коматина, Предраг
AU  - Џелебџић, Дејан
AU  - Максимовић, Љубомир
PY  - 2021
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/13240
AB  - Зборник радова Византолошког института. Књ. 55 и 56 / уредници Љубомир Максимовић, Бојана Крсмановић. – Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ, 2018–2019.
„E, е, шта је то?“ : евнуси у војном врху византијског царства : (780–1025) / Бојана Крсмановић. – Београд : Службени гласник : Византолошки институт САНУ, 2018.
Поздравна реч: академик Љубомир Максимовић, директор Византолошког института САНУ.
Говорили: др Бојана Крсмановић, др Предраг Коматина, доц. др Дејан Џелебџић.
У Београду, уторак 29. септембар 2020. у 13 часова.
PB  - Београд : Српска академија наука и уметности
T2  - Трибина Библиотеке САНУ
T1  - Зборник радова Византолошког института. Књ. 55 и 56 ; „E, е, шта је то?“ : евнуси у војном врху византијског царства : (780–1025) : [представљање књига на Трибини Библиотеке САНУ, Београд, 29. септембар 2020. године]
SP  - 107
EP  - 120
VL  - 9
IS  - 9
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_13240
ER  - 
@misc{
author = "Крсмановић, Бојана and Коматина, Предраг and Џелебџић, Дејан and Максимовић, Љубомир",
year = "2021",
abstract = "Зборник радова Византолошког института. Књ. 55 и 56 / уредници Љубомир Максимовић, Бојана Крсмановић. – Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ, 2018–2019.
„E, е, шта је то?“ : евнуси у војном врху византијског царства : (780–1025) / Бојана Крсмановић. – Београд : Службени гласник : Византолошки институт САНУ, 2018.
Поздравна реч: академик Љубомир Максимовић, директор Византолошког института САНУ.
Говорили: др Бојана Крсмановић, др Предраг Коматина, доц. др Дејан Џелебџић.
У Београду, уторак 29. септембар 2020. у 13 часова.",
publisher = "Београд : Српска академија наука и уметности",
journal = "Трибина Библиотеке САНУ",
title = "Зборник радова Византолошког института. Књ. 55 и 56 ; „E, е, шта је то?“ : евнуси у војном врху византијског царства : (780–1025) : [представљање књига на Трибини Библиотеке САНУ, Београд, 29. септембар 2020. године]",
pages = "107-120",
volume = "9",
number = "9",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_13240"
}
Крсмановић, Б., Коматина, П., Џелебџић, Д.,& Максимовић, Љ.. (2021). Зборник радова Византолошког института. Књ. 55 и 56 ; „E, е, шта је то?“ : евнуси у војном врху византијског царства : (780–1025) : [представљање књига на Трибини Библиотеке САНУ, Београд, 29. септембар 2020. године]. in Трибина Библиотеке САНУ
Београд : Српска академија наука и уметности., 9(9), 107-120.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_13240
Крсмановић Б, Коматина П, Џелебџић Д, Максимовић Љ. Зборник радова Византолошког института. Књ. 55 и 56 ; „E, е, шта је то?“ : евнуси у војном врху византијског царства : (780–1025) : [представљање књига на Трибини Библиотеке САНУ, Београд, 29. септембар 2020. године]. in Трибина Библиотеке САНУ. 2021;9(9):107-120.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_13240 .
Крсмановић, Бојана, Коматина, Предраг, Џелебџић, Дејан, Максимовић, Љубомир, "Зборник радова Византолошког института. Књ. 55 и 56 ; „E, е, шта је то?“ : евнуси у војном врху византијског царства : (780–1025) : [представљање књига на Трибини Библиотеке САНУ, Београд, 29. септембар 2020. године]" in Трибина Библиотеке САНУ, 9, no. 9 (2021):107-120,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_13240 .

О албанском етнониму у средњем веку / On the Albanian ethnonym in the Middle Ages

Коматина, Предраг

(Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ, 2021)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Коматина, Предраг
PY  - 2021
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/12592
AB  - У раду се разматра питање албанског етнонима у средњем веку, и то на основу 
чињенице да они сами данас за себе користе етноним Ш(ћ)ипетар (Shqipëtar), а да 
их други народи познају под именом Албанци. Указује се на могућност употребе 
првог назива међу самим Албанцима већ у XIV веку, а затим се разматра употреба 
етнонима Албанци у историјским изворима од XI до XIV века. Пошто је он настао од 
географског појма Арбан и њиме био условљен, поставља се питање о имену које су 
преци Албанаца користили пре него што су дошли у Арбан, a такође се указује и на 
могућу везу између њих и влашких скупина на југу Балканског полуострва.
AB  - The paper discusses the issue of the Albanian ethnonym in the Middle Ages, starting 
from the fact that today they use the ethnonym Shqipëtar for themselves and that other 
peoples know them as Albanians. It first points out the possibility that the former name was 
in use among the Albanians already in the 14th century, and then discusses the use of the
ethnonym Albanians in the historical sources from the 11th to the 14th century. Since it originated from the geographical term Arbanum and was conditioned by it, the question arises 
оf how the ancestors of the Albanians were called before they came to Arbanum. Finally, 
the paper suggests a possible connection between them and the Vlach groups in the south 
of the Balkan Peninsula.
PB  - Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ
T2  - Зборник радова Византолошког института 58
T1  - О албанском етнониму у средњем веку / On the Albanian ethnonym in the Middle Ages
SP  - 23
EP  - 36
VL  - 58
DO  - 10.2298/ZRVI2158023K
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12592
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Коматина, Предраг",
year = "2021",
abstract = "У раду се разматра питање албанског етнонима у средњем веку, и то на основу 
чињенице да они сами данас за себе користе етноним Ш(ћ)ипетар (Shqipëtar), а да 
их други народи познају под именом Албанци. Указује се на могућност употребе 
првог назива међу самим Албанцима већ у XIV веку, а затим се разматра употреба 
етнонима Албанци у историјским изворима од XI до XIV века. Пошто је он настао од 
географског појма Арбан и њиме био условљен, поставља се питање о имену које су 
преци Албанаца користили пре него што су дошли у Арбан, a такође се указује и на 
могућу везу између њих и влашких скупина на југу Балканског полуострва., The paper discusses the issue of the Albanian ethnonym in the Middle Ages, starting 
from the fact that today they use the ethnonym Shqipëtar for themselves and that other 
peoples know them as Albanians. It first points out the possibility that the former name was 
in use among the Albanians already in the 14th century, and then discusses the use of the
ethnonym Albanians in the historical sources from the 11th to the 14th century. Since it originated from the geographical term Arbanum and was conditioned by it, the question arises 
оf how the ancestors of the Albanians were called before they came to Arbanum. Finally, 
the paper suggests a possible connection between them and the Vlach groups in the south 
of the Balkan Peninsula.",
publisher = "Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ",
journal = "Зборник радова Византолошког института 58",
title = "О албанском етнониму у средњем веку / On the Albanian ethnonym in the Middle Ages",
pages = "23-36",
volume = "58",
doi = "10.2298/ZRVI2158023K",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12592"
}
Коматина, П.. (2021). О албанском етнониму у средњем веку / On the Albanian ethnonym in the Middle Ages. in Зборник радова Византолошког института 58
Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ., 58, 23-36.
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI2158023K
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12592
Коматина П. О албанском етнониму у средњем веку / On the Albanian ethnonym in the Middle Ages. in Зборник радова Византолошког института 58. 2021;58:23-36.
doi:10.2298/ZRVI2158023K
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12592 .
Коматина, Предраг, "О албанском етнониму у средњем веку / On the Albanian ethnonym in the Middle Ages" in Зборник радова Византолошког института 58, 58 (2021):23-36,
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI2158023K .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_12592 .
9
1

Константин Порфирогенит и рана историја Јужних Словена

Коматина, Предраг

(Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ, 2021)

TY  - BOOK
AU  - Коматина, Предраг
PY  - 2021
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/14610
AB  - Књига Константин Порфирогенит и рана историја Јужних Словена производ је вишегодишњих истраживања историографског опуса цара Константина VII Порфирогенита и његове епохе, али и ране јужнословенске историје уопште. Подаци о Јужним Словенима које доноси Константин Порфирогенит у добро познатим делима, Књизи о церемонијама (De cerimoniis aulae byzantinae), О управљању царством (De administrando imperio), Животу Василијевом (Vita Basilii) и Спису о темама (De thematibus), јединствени су и посебни. У много чему они немају паралеле у византијској историографији, нити у делима претходне, или пак у делима потоње епохе. Подаци који се односе на Јужне Словене у византијској историографији пре Порфирогенитовог времена били су веома оскудни и тицали су се искључиво Словена у јужним деловима Балканског полуострва, који су били ближи средиштима византијске државе и друштва и под јачим и непосреднијим политичким утицајем Царства, али су и ти подаци били спорадични и не превише речити. Јужни Словени из северозападног дела Балканског полуострва пак остали су сасвим изван видокруга византијских историографа, усмерених на цариградску средину и окренутих непосредном деловању царева. У таквим околностима историографска делатност цара Константина VII Порфирогенита и његова дела права су прекретница, пошто доносе сразмерно велику количину изворних података за рану историју Јужних Словена, и то оних из далматинског залеђа. Управо због тог јасног раскорака са дотадашњом традицијом византијске историографије, податке о Јужним Словенима који се налазе у делима Константина Порфирогенита и онима насталим у његовом кругу било је потребно посматрати као засебан и својеврстан феномен.
AB  - Constantine, the only son of Leo VI the Wise (886–912), was born on 17 or 18 May 905 from the non-marital and later contentiously legitimized relationship between his father and Zoë Carbonopsina in the Purple Chamber of the Imperial Palace in Constantinople, which would give him the life-long epithet Porphyrogenitus or Porphyrogénnētos (“born in the purple”). In 908, shortly before his third birthday, he was crowned emperor and co-ruler to his father Leo VI and uncle Alexander. After the death of the former (912) and the latter (913), he became emperor and autokrátōr of the Rhomaioi. His reign was remarkably long (913–959), but he wielded true power for only 16 of those 45 years: from 913 to 920, his mother Zoë acted as his regent, and for the following 25 years (920–944), Constantine was but one of the sidelined co-emperors of his father-in-law Romanus I Lacapenus. Those years, however, proved decisive for his intellectual development, the fruits of which would come to the fore in his extensive encyclopedic and, above all, historiographic opus, leaving an indelible mark on the period of his sole reign (post-944).
PB  - Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ
T1  - Константин Порфирогенит и рана историја Јужних Словена
T1  - Constantine Porphyrogenitus and the Early History of the South Slavs
VL  - 50
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_14610
ER  - 
@book{
author = "Коматина, Предраг",
year = "2021",
abstract = "Књига Константин Порфирогенит и рана историја Јужних Словена производ је вишегодишњих истраживања историографског опуса цара Константина VII Порфирогенита и његове епохе, али и ране јужнословенске историје уопште. Подаци о Јужним Словенима које доноси Константин Порфирогенит у добро познатим делима, Књизи о церемонијама (De cerimoniis aulae byzantinae), О управљању царством (De administrando imperio), Животу Василијевом (Vita Basilii) и Спису о темама (De thematibus), јединствени су и посебни. У много чему они немају паралеле у византијској историографији, нити у делима претходне, или пак у делима потоње епохе. Подаци који се односе на Јужне Словене у византијској историографији пре Порфирогенитовог времена били су веома оскудни и тицали су се искључиво Словена у јужним деловима Балканског полуострва, који су били ближи средиштима византијске државе и друштва и под јачим и непосреднијим политичким утицајем Царства, али су и ти подаци били спорадични и не превише речити. Јужни Словени из северозападног дела Балканског полуострва пак остали су сасвим изван видокруга византијских историографа, усмерених на цариградску средину и окренутих непосредном деловању царева. У таквим околностима историографска делатност цара Константина VII Порфирогенита и његова дела права су прекретница, пошто доносе сразмерно велику количину изворних података за рану историју Јужних Словена, и то оних из далматинског залеђа. Управо због тог јасног раскорака са дотадашњом традицијом византијске историографије, податке о Јужним Словенима који се налазе у делима Константина Порфирогенита и онима насталим у његовом кругу било је потребно посматрати као засебан и својеврстан феномен., Constantine, the only son of Leo VI the Wise (886–912), was born on 17 or 18 May 905 from the non-marital and later contentiously legitimized relationship between his father and Zoë Carbonopsina in the Purple Chamber of the Imperial Palace in Constantinople, which would give him the life-long epithet Porphyrogenitus or Porphyrogénnētos (“born in the purple”). In 908, shortly before his third birthday, he was crowned emperor and co-ruler to his father Leo VI and uncle Alexander. After the death of the former (912) and the latter (913), he became emperor and autokrátōr of the Rhomaioi. His reign was remarkably long (913–959), but he wielded true power for only 16 of those 45 years: from 913 to 920, his mother Zoë acted as his regent, and for the following 25 years (920–944), Constantine was but one of the sidelined co-emperors of his father-in-law Romanus I Lacapenus. Those years, however, proved decisive for his intellectual development, the fruits of which would come to the fore in his extensive encyclopedic and, above all, historiographic opus, leaving an indelible mark on the period of his sole reign (post-944).",
publisher = "Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ",
title = "Константин Порфирогенит и рана историја Јужних Словена, Constantine Porphyrogenitus and the Early History of the South Slavs",
volume = "50",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_14610"
}
Коматина, П.. (2021). Константин Порфирогенит и рана историја Јужних Словена. 
Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ., 50.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_14610
Коматина П. Константин Порфирогенит и рана историја Јужних Словена. 2021;50.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_14610 .
Коматина, Предраг, "Константин Порфирогенит и рана историја Јужних Словена", 50 (2021),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_14610 .

The Byzantine Concept of “Syria” as Arab Empire and its Ancient Roots

Komatina, Predrag

(Chicago : The University of Chicago, 2020)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Komatina, Predrag
PY  - 2020
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/14611
AB  - Through the millennia of its history, the name “Syria” has acquired multiple meanings and has been used for a variety of concepts depending on historical context and circumstances. But the way in which the Byzantine emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus used it in the mid-10th century AD is perhaps the most interesting and remarkable one. At that time, the so-called “Fertile Crescent” was ruled by Muslim Arabs, who deprived the Persians of Mesopotamia and the Byzantines of the Levant during the first decade following the Prophet’s death (AD 632–642). Ending the centuries-long Roman rule in the Levant made the Arabs fierce enemies of the Byzantines, and constant clashes between the two powers were to dominate Eastern Mediterranean politics for centuries to come. After initial setbacks in the Levant, the Byzantines consolidated their lines and succeeded in keeping the Arabs out of Asia Minor, the heartland of the Empire. However, an Arab inroad into that region in 838, resulting in a great Muslim victory at the battle of Amorium, was devastating to Byzantium. With their revenge at the battle of Poson in 863, however, the Byzantines slowly began to gain the upper hand on their eastern frontier. The first half of the 10th century marked the beginning of a firm Byzantine military presence in the region, which was to result in the partial reconquest of the Levant with the capture of Antioch in 969 and even an expedition into Palestine in 975.
PB  - Chicago : The University of Chicago
PB  - Chicago : University of Chicago Press
T2  - Journal of Near Eastern Studies
T1  - The Byzantine Concept of “Syria” as Arab Empire and its Ancient Roots
SP  - 41
EP  - 50
VL  - 79
IS  - 1
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_14611
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Komatina, Predrag",
year = "2020",
abstract = "Through the millennia of its history, the name “Syria” has acquired multiple meanings and has been used for a variety of concepts depending on historical context and circumstances. But the way in which the Byzantine emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus used it in the mid-10th century AD is perhaps the most interesting and remarkable one. At that time, the so-called “Fertile Crescent” was ruled by Muslim Arabs, who deprived the Persians of Mesopotamia and the Byzantines of the Levant during the first decade following the Prophet’s death (AD 632–642). Ending the centuries-long Roman rule in the Levant made the Arabs fierce enemies of the Byzantines, and constant clashes between the two powers were to dominate Eastern Mediterranean politics for centuries to come. After initial setbacks in the Levant, the Byzantines consolidated their lines and succeeded in keeping the Arabs out of Asia Minor, the heartland of the Empire. However, an Arab inroad into that region in 838, resulting in a great Muslim victory at the battle of Amorium, was devastating to Byzantium. With their revenge at the battle of Poson in 863, however, the Byzantines slowly began to gain the upper hand on their eastern frontier. The first half of the 10th century marked the beginning of a firm Byzantine military presence in the region, which was to result in the partial reconquest of the Levant with the capture of Antioch in 969 and even an expedition into Palestine in 975.",
publisher = "Chicago : The University of Chicago, Chicago : University of Chicago Press",
journal = "Journal of Near Eastern Studies",
title = "The Byzantine Concept of “Syria” as Arab Empire and its Ancient Roots",
pages = "41-50",
volume = "79",
number = "1",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_14611"
}
Komatina, P.. (2020). The Byzantine Concept of “Syria” as Arab Empire and its Ancient Roots. in Journal of Near Eastern Studies
Chicago : The University of Chicago., 79(1), 41-50.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_14611
Komatina P. The Byzantine Concept of “Syria” as Arab Empire and its Ancient Roots. in Journal of Near Eastern Studies. 2020;79(1):41-50.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_14611 .
Komatina, Predrag, "The Byzantine Concept of “Syria” as Arab Empire and its Ancient Roots" in Journal of Near Eastern Studies, 79, no. 1 (2020):41-50,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_14611 .

Житије Св. Симеона од Стефана Немањића као извор за хронологију промена на великожупанском престолу

Коматина, Предраг

(Београд : Историјски институт, 2020)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Коматина, Предраг
PY  - 2020
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/10417
AB  - Житије Светог Симеона од његовог сина Стефана Немањића, састављено средином друге деценије XIII века, први је потпунији историографски спис српског средњовековља. Уводне главе тог списа у којима се описује први део Немањиног живота, пре него што је постао српски владар 1166. године, представљале би у том смислу неку врсту српске археологије, најраније забележене историје у домаћим изворима. Ни у тим одељцима Стефан не доноси прецизне хронолошке податке, али ипак одређене догађаје из Немањиног ранијег живота
смешта у релативне хронолошке оквире према његовим узрастима. Пошто су средњовековна схватања о „седам узраста човека” и њихово трајање добро позната, онда се и ти догађаји могу сместити у одређенији временски оквир. Када се тако постављени посматрају у контексту из других извора познатих догађаја српске историје прве половине XII века, као и Немањиног места у родословном стаблу великожупанске династије, може се доћи до неких нових закључака о смењивању на месту великoг жупана и о начелима наслеђивања престола.
AB  - The Life of St Symeon, written by his son and heir, grand župan and the firstcrowned king Stefan Nemanjić from the second decade of the 13th century, is the first extensive historiographic work of the Serbian Middle Ages. In accordance with the hagiographic genre, it lacks precise chronological information. Stefan however uses some chronological determiners to indicate vaguely his father’s
age at the moment of some important events of his life which he describes and which occurred prior to his coming to the throne, and those are the terms that designate the so-called seven ages of man, commonly used in the Middle Ages across Europe. So, Stefan relates that his father received his share of the fatherland (“čest otačastva”) as otrok, that is at an age between 15 and
22, that he met emperor Manuel I Comnenus and got the ruler’s title (“carski san”) when he was junoša, between 23 and 44, and that he entered into the conflict with his older brothers that led to his imprisonment but eventually to his victory and coming to the throne in 1166 as muž, at the age of 45 to 56, i.e. precisely 52 or 53.
PB  - Београд : Историјски институт
T2  - Стефан Првовенчани и његово доба / Stefan the First-Crowned and His Time
T1  - Житије Св. Симеона од Стефана Немањића као извор за хронологију промена на великожупанском престолу
T1  - Stefan Nemanjić’s Life of St Symeon as a Source for the Chronology of Changes on the Grand Župan’s Throne
SP  - 17
EP  - 35
VL  - 42
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10417
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Коматина, Предраг",
year = "2020",
abstract = "Житије Светог Симеона од његовог сина Стефана Немањића, састављено средином друге деценије XIII века, први је потпунији историографски спис српског средњовековља. Уводне главе тог списа у којима се описује први део Немањиног живота, пре него што је постао српски владар 1166. године, представљале би у том смислу неку врсту српске археологије, најраније забележене историје у домаћим изворима. Ни у тим одељцима Стефан не доноси прецизне хронолошке податке, али ипак одређене догађаје из Немањиног ранијег живота
смешта у релативне хронолошке оквире према његовим узрастима. Пошто су средњовековна схватања о „седам узраста човека” и њихово трајање добро позната, онда се и ти догађаји могу сместити у одређенији временски оквир. Када се тако постављени посматрају у контексту из других извора познатих догађаја српске историје прве половине XII века, као и Немањиног места у родословном стаблу великожупанске династије, може се доћи до неких нових закључака о смењивању на месту великoг жупана и о начелима наслеђивања престола., The Life of St Symeon, written by his son and heir, grand župan and the firstcrowned king Stefan Nemanjić from the second decade of the 13th century, is the first extensive historiographic work of the Serbian Middle Ages. In accordance with the hagiographic genre, it lacks precise chronological information. Stefan however uses some chronological determiners to indicate vaguely his father’s
age at the moment of some important events of his life which he describes and which occurred prior to his coming to the throne, and those are the terms that designate the so-called seven ages of man, commonly used in the Middle Ages across Europe. So, Stefan relates that his father received his share of the fatherland (“čest otačastva”) as otrok, that is at an age between 15 and
22, that he met emperor Manuel I Comnenus and got the ruler’s title (“carski san”) when he was junoša, between 23 and 44, and that he entered into the conflict with his older brothers that led to his imprisonment but eventually to his victory and coming to the throne in 1166 as muž, at the age of 45 to 56, i.e. precisely 52 or 53.",
publisher = "Београд : Историјски институт",
journal = "Стефан Првовенчани и његово доба / Stefan the First-Crowned and His Time",
booktitle = "Житије Св. Симеона од Стефана Немањића као извор за хронологију промена на великожупанском престолу, Stefan Nemanjić’s Life of St Symeon as a Source for the Chronology of Changes on the Grand Župan’s Throne",
pages = "17-35",
volume = "42",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10417"
}
Коматина, П.. (2020). Житије Св. Симеона од Стефана Немањића као извор за хронологију промена на великожупанском престолу. in Стефан Првовенчани и његово доба / Stefan the First-Crowned and His Time
Београд : Историјски институт., 42, 17-35.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10417
Коматина П. Житије Св. Симеона од Стефана Немањића као извор за хронологију промена на великожупанском престолу. in Стефан Првовенчани и његово доба / Stefan the First-Crowned and His Time. 2020;42:17-35.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10417 .
Коматина, Предраг, "Житије Св. Симеона од Стефана Немањића као извор за хронологију промена на великожупанском престолу" in Стефан Првовенчани и његово доба / Stefan the First-Crowned and His Time, 42 (2020):17-35,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10417 .

О првом браку краља Милутина

Коматина, Предраг

(Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ, 2020)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Коматина, Предраг
PY  - 2020
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/10418
AB  - У раду се разматра питање првог брака српског краља Стефана Уроша II (Милутина), који помиње византијски писац Георгије Пахимер, с циљем да се поткрепи постојећа теза да је у питању брак са српском властелинком по имену Јелена, који је склопљен током седамдесетих година XIII века, али разведен убрзо по Милутиновом ступању на српски престо 1282. године. Пружа се, такође, и осврт на природу и карактер тог брака и могуће разлоге због којих је био разведен и проглашен неважећим.
AB  - The paper deals with the problem of the first marriage of the Serbian king Stephen Uroš II (Milutin), mentioned by the Byzantine author George Pachymeres, wtih the aim to reinforce the existing thesis that it was a marriage with a Serbian noble Helen, concluded in the 1270-ies, but divorced soon after he came to the Serbian throne in 1282. It also provides an overview of the nature and character of that marriage and the possible reasons why it was dissolved and declared invalid.
PB  - Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ
T2  - Зборник радова Византолошког института 57
T1  - О првом браку краља Милутина
T1  - On the first marriage of king Milutin
SP  - 45
EP  - 59
VL  - 57
DO  - 10.2298/ZRVI2057045K
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10418
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Коматина, Предраг",
year = "2020",
abstract = "У раду се разматра питање првог брака српског краља Стефана Уроша II (Милутина), који помиње византијски писац Георгије Пахимер, с циљем да се поткрепи постојећа теза да је у питању брак са српском властелинком по имену Јелена, који је склопљен током седамдесетих година XIII века, али разведен убрзо по Милутиновом ступању на српски престо 1282. године. Пружа се, такође, и осврт на природу и карактер тог брака и могуће разлоге због којих је био разведен и проглашен неважећим., The paper deals with the problem of the first marriage of the Serbian king Stephen Uroš II (Milutin), mentioned by the Byzantine author George Pachymeres, wtih the aim to reinforce the existing thesis that it was a marriage with a Serbian noble Helen, concluded in the 1270-ies, but divorced soon after he came to the Serbian throne in 1282. It also provides an overview of the nature and character of that marriage and the possible reasons why it was dissolved and declared invalid.",
publisher = "Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ",
journal = "Зборник радова Византолошког института 57",
title = "О првом браку краља Милутина, On the first marriage of king Milutin",
pages = "45-59",
volume = "57",
doi = "10.2298/ZRVI2057045K",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10418"
}
Коматина, П.. (2020). О првом браку краља Милутина. in Зборник радова Византолошког института 57
Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ., 57, 45-59.
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI2057045K
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10418
Коматина П. О првом браку краља Милутина. in Зборник радова Византолошког института 57. 2020;57:45-59.
doi:10.2298/ZRVI2057045K
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10418 .
Коматина, Предраг, "О првом браку краља Милутина" in Зборник радова Византолошког института 57, 57 (2020):45-59,
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI2057045K .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10418 .
1

Славянские этнонимы «баварского географа»: историко-лингвистический анализ

Коматина, Предраг

(Санкт-Петербургский государственный университет, 2020)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Коматина, Предраг
PY  - 2020
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/10762
AB  - The so-called Bavarian Geographer describes the ethnopolitical situation at the end of the first
half of the 9th century in a wide area of Central and Eastern Europe. The names of those tribes are mostly recorded in their Germanic forms, as they were known at the time among the Franks. Those names are in their Slavic forms basically authentic, quallificative in their nature, created according to certain collective characteristics that their bearers attributed to themselves. Thus we can assume that those tribes brought those names from their ancient homeland when they settled the Elbe region, and that could be corroborated with the fact that some of those tribal names appear also among the South Slavs (Obodrites, Serbs, Milingoi = Milcians?). In the area of the ancient Slavic homeland itself, in the basin of the upper Oder, Warta, Vistula, West Bug and Upper Dniester, it lists a number of tribes that can be divided into two groups. The first would include those who still kept their old names and ancient tribal identities The second group includes tribes,
which, judging by their names, were new, territorially based tribes, composed of members of various tribes 
that during the migrations stayed at their homes. Based on the ethnonymic material from the treatise of the Bavarian Geograph and other early medieval sources, one important conclusion can be reached about the Slavic ethnonymy — in naming of the tribes, peoples and communities, the Slavs held much more to the essence than form. The names derived from the same root occur often with different suffixes, and sometimes for one and the same tribe the names are derived from another, but semantically identical root.
PB  - Санкт-Петербургский государственный университет
T2  - Studia Slavica et Balcanica Petropolitana
T1  - Славянские этнонимы «баварского географа»: историко-лингвистический анализ
T1  - Slavic ethnonyms in the Bavarian Geographer: A historiographic linguistic analysis
SP  - 106
EP  - 137
VL  - 27
IS  - 1
DO  - 10.21638/spbu19.2020.106
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10762
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Коматина, Предраг",
year = "2020",
abstract = "The so-called Bavarian Geographer describes the ethnopolitical situation at the end of the first
half of the 9th century in a wide area of Central and Eastern Europe. The names of those tribes are mostly recorded in their Germanic forms, as they were known at the time among the Franks. Those names are in their Slavic forms basically authentic, quallificative in their nature, created according to certain collective characteristics that their bearers attributed to themselves. Thus we can assume that those tribes brought those names from their ancient homeland when they settled the Elbe region, and that could be corroborated with the fact that some of those tribal names appear also among the South Slavs (Obodrites, Serbs, Milingoi = Milcians?). In the area of the ancient Slavic homeland itself, in the basin of the upper Oder, Warta, Vistula, West Bug and Upper Dniester, it lists a number of tribes that can be divided into two groups. The first would include those who still kept their old names and ancient tribal identities The second group includes tribes,
which, judging by their names, were new, territorially based tribes, composed of members of various tribes 
that during the migrations stayed at their homes. Based on the ethnonymic material from the treatise of the Bavarian Geograph and other early medieval sources, one important conclusion can be reached about the Slavic ethnonymy — in naming of the tribes, peoples and communities, the Slavs held much more to the essence than form. The names derived from the same root occur often with different suffixes, and sometimes for one and the same tribe the names are derived from another, but semantically identical root.",
publisher = "Санкт-Петербургский государственный университет",
journal = "Studia Slavica et Balcanica Petropolitana",
title = "Славянские этнонимы «баварского географа»: историко-лингвистический анализ, Slavic ethnonyms in the Bavarian Geographer: A historiographic linguistic analysis",
pages = "106-137",
volume = "27",
number = "1",
doi = "10.21638/spbu19.2020.106",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10762"
}
Коматина, П.. (2020). Славянские этнонимы «баварского географа»: историко-лингвистический анализ. in Studia Slavica et Balcanica Petropolitana
Санкт-Петербургский государственный университет., 27(1), 106-137.
https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu19.2020.106
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10762
Коматина П. Славянские этнонимы «баварского географа»: историко-лингвистический анализ. in Studia Slavica et Balcanica Petropolitana. 2020;27(1):106-137.
doi:10.21638/spbu19.2020.106
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10762 .
Коматина, Предраг, "Славянские этнонимы «баварского географа»: историко-лингвистический анализ" in Studia Slavica et Balcanica Petropolitana, 27, no. 1 (2020):106-137,
https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu19.2020.106 .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10762 .
2

Quis Ergo Presbyter Diocleas? Рана дубровачка историографија и Летопис попа Дукљанина

Коматина, Предраг

(Београд : Историјски институт, 2020)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Коматина, Предраг
PY  - 2020
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/10704
AB  - У раду се, у светлости новог тумачења да је у питању плод хуманистичке историографије, а не аутентичан средњовековни спис, истражује порекло података у тзв. Летопису попа Дукљанина кроз дела дубровачке хуманистичке историографије, почев од Лудовика Цријевића Туберона, који се први позива на „писца Дукљанина“, до Мавра Орбина, који први објављује наводни текст „Дукљаниновог“ списа на италијанском.
AB  - In the light of the new interpretation that the so-called Chronicle of the Priest of Dioclea is a product of humanist historiography, rather than an authentic medieval source, the origin of its data is examined through the works of Ragusan humanist historiography, starting from Ludovicus Cerva Tubero, who first referred to the “author Diocleas”, up to Mauro Orbin, who first published the purported text of the work of "Diocleas" in Italian.
PB  - Београд : Историјски институт
T2  - Историјски часопис LXIX
T1  - Quis Ergo Presbyter Diocleas? Рана дубровачка историографија и Летопис попа Дукљанина
SP  - 189
EP  - 226
VL  - 69
DO  - 10.34298/IC2069189K
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10704
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Коматина, Предраг",
year = "2020",
abstract = "У раду се, у светлости новог тумачења да је у питању плод хуманистичке историографије, а не аутентичан средњовековни спис, истражује порекло података у тзв. Летопису попа Дукљанина кроз дела дубровачке хуманистичке историографије, почев од Лудовика Цријевића Туберона, који се први позива на „писца Дукљанина“, до Мавра Орбина, који први објављује наводни текст „Дукљаниновог“ списа на италијанском., In the light of the new interpretation that the so-called Chronicle of the Priest of Dioclea is a product of humanist historiography, rather than an authentic medieval source, the origin of its data is examined through the works of Ragusan humanist historiography, starting from Ludovicus Cerva Tubero, who first referred to the “author Diocleas”, up to Mauro Orbin, who first published the purported text of the work of "Diocleas" in Italian.",
publisher = "Београд : Историјски институт",
journal = "Историјски часопис LXIX",
title = "Quis Ergo Presbyter Diocleas? Рана дубровачка историографија и Летопис попа Дукљанина",
pages = "189-226",
volume = "69",
doi = "10.34298/IC2069189K",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10704"
}
Коматина, П.. (2020). Quis Ergo Presbyter Diocleas? Рана дубровачка историографија и Летопис попа Дукљанина. in Историјски часопис LXIX
Београд : Историјски институт., 69, 189-226.
https://doi.org/10.34298/IC2069189K
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10704
Коматина П. Quis Ergo Presbyter Diocleas? Рана дубровачка историографија и Летопис попа Дукљанина. in Историјски часопис LXIX. 2020;69:189-226.
doi:10.34298/IC2069189K
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10704 .
Коматина, Предраг, "Quis Ergo Presbyter Diocleas? Рана дубровачка историографија и Летопис попа Дукљанина" in Историјски часопис LXIX, 69 (2020):189-226,
https://doi.org/10.34298/IC2069189K .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10704 .
2

Center, Province and Periphery in the Age of Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos. From “De cerimoniis” to “De Administrando Imperio”. Hgg. Niels Gaul / Volker Menze / Csanád Bálint. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag 2018 (Mainzer Veröffentlichungen zur Byzantinistik, 15). 300 S., 20 pl. fig.

Komatina, Predrag

(München : Oldenbourg Wissenschaftsverlag, 2019)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Komatina, Predrag
PY  - 2019
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/16072
PB  - München :  Oldenbourg Wissenschaftsverlag
T2  - Südost-Forschungen
T1  - Center, Province and Periphery in the Age of Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos. From “De cerimoniis” to “De Administrando Imperio”. Hgg. Niels Gaul / Volker Menze / Csanád Bálint. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag 2018 (Mainzer Veröffentlichungen zur Byzantinistik, 15). 300 S., 20 pl. fig.
VL  - 78
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_16072
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Komatina, Predrag",
year = "2019",
publisher = "München :  Oldenbourg Wissenschaftsverlag",
journal = "Südost-Forschungen",
title = "Center, Province and Periphery in the Age of Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos. From “De cerimoniis” to “De Administrando Imperio”. Hgg. Niels Gaul / Volker Menze / Csanád Bálint. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag 2018 (Mainzer Veröffentlichungen zur Byzantinistik, 15). 300 S., 20 pl. fig.",
volume = "78",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_16072"
}
Komatina, P.. (2019). Center, Province and Periphery in the Age of Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos. From “De cerimoniis” to “De Administrando Imperio”. Hgg. Niels Gaul / Volker Menze / Csanád Bálint. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag 2018 (Mainzer Veröffentlichungen zur Byzantinistik, 15). 300 S., 20 pl. fig.. in Südost-Forschungen
München :  Oldenbourg Wissenschaftsverlag., 78.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_16072
Komatina P. Center, Province and Periphery in the Age of Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos. From “De cerimoniis” to “De Administrando Imperio”. Hgg. Niels Gaul / Volker Menze / Csanád Bálint. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag 2018 (Mainzer Veröffentlichungen zur Byzantinistik, 15). 300 S., 20 pl. fig.. in Südost-Forschungen. 2019;78.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_16072 .
Komatina, Predrag, "Center, Province and Periphery in the Age of Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos. From “De cerimoniis” to “De Administrando Imperio”. Hgg. Niels Gaul / Volker Menze / Csanád Bálint. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag 2018 (Mainzer Veröffentlichungen zur Byzantinistik, 15). 300 S., 20 pl. fig." in Südost-Forschungen, 78 (2019),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_16072 .

Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De administrando imperio and the Byzantine historiography of the mid - 10th century

Komatina, Predrag

(Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ, 2019)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Komatina, Predrag
PY  - 2019
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/8497
AB  - The paper is dedicated to certain aspects of the treatise De administrando imperio,
composed at the court of Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus in 948–952. It first examines
the diplomatic basis of the information collected in the treatise, then the management
of the information available from other sources and some common information found
in it and in other contemporary works such as Theophanes Continuatus, Vita Basilii and De
thematibus. It closes with a conclusion about the authorship of the treatise and its place in
the context of the historiographical activity at the court of Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus
in the mid-10th century.
PB  - Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ
T2  - Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ
T1  - Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De administrando imperio and the Byzantine historiography of the mid - 10th century
T1  - Константин Порфирогенит, De administrando imperio и византијска историографија средине X века
SP  - 39
EP  - 68
VL  - 56
DO  - 10.2298/ZRVI1956039K
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_8497
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Komatina, Predrag",
year = "2019",
abstract = "The paper is dedicated to certain aspects of the treatise De administrando imperio,
composed at the court of Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus in 948–952. It first examines
the diplomatic basis of the information collected in the treatise, then the management
of the information available from other sources and some common information found
in it and in other contemporary works such as Theophanes Continuatus, Vita Basilii and De
thematibus. It closes with a conclusion about the authorship of the treatise and its place in
the context of the historiographical activity at the court of Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus
in the mid-10th century.",
publisher = "Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ",
journal = "Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ",
title = "Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De administrando imperio and the Byzantine historiography of the mid - 10th century, Константин Порфирогенит, De administrando imperio и византијска историографија средине X века",
pages = "39-68",
volume = "56",
doi = "10.2298/ZRVI1956039K",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_8497"
}
Komatina, P.. (2019). Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De administrando imperio and the Byzantine historiography of the mid - 10th century. in Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ
Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ., 56, 39-68.
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1956039K
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_8497
Komatina P. Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De administrando imperio and the Byzantine historiography of the mid - 10th century. in Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ. 2019;56:39-68.
doi:10.2298/ZRVI1956039K
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_8497 .
Komatina, Predrag, "Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De administrando imperio and the Byzantine historiography of the mid - 10th century" in Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ, 56 (2019):39-68,
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1956039K .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_8497 .
3
2

Anthony Kaldellis, Romanland: Ethnicity and Empire in Byzantium, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA, London 2019, 373 pp.

Коматина, Предраг

(Београд : Историјски институт Београд, 2019)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Коматина, Предраг
PY  - 2019
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/16070
PB  - Београд : Историјски институт Београд
T2  - Историјски часопис/The Historical Review
T1  - Anthony Kaldellis, Romanland: Ethnicity and Empire in Byzantium, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA, London 2019, 373 pp.
SP  - 431
EP  - 436
VL  - 68
DO  - 10.34298/IC
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_16070
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Коматина, Предраг",
year = "2019",
publisher = "Београд : Историјски институт Београд",
journal = "Историјски часопис/The Historical Review",
title = "Anthony Kaldellis, Romanland: Ethnicity and Empire in Byzantium, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA, London 2019, 373 pp.",
pages = "431-436",
volume = "68",
doi = "10.34298/IC",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_16070"
}
Коматина, П.. (2019). Anthony Kaldellis, Romanland: Ethnicity and Empire in Byzantium, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA, London 2019, 373 pp.. in Историјски часопис/The Historical Review
Београд : Историјски институт Београд., 68, 431-436.
https://doi.org/10.34298/IC
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_16070
Коматина П. Anthony Kaldellis, Romanland: Ethnicity and Empire in Byzantium, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA, London 2019, 373 pp.. in Историјски часопис/The Historical Review. 2019;68:431-436.
doi:10.34298/IC
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_16070 .
Коматина, Предраг, "Anthony Kaldellis, Romanland: Ethnicity and Empire in Byzantium, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA, London 2019, 373 pp." in Историјски часопис/The Historical Review, 68 (2019):431-436,
https://doi.org/10.34298/IC .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_16070 .

Рани јужнословенски етноними и питање порекла и постанка јужнословенских племена

Коматина, Предраг

(Београд : Институт за српски језик САНУ, 2019)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Коматина, Предраг
PY  - 2019
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/10701
AB  - Рани Словени нису имали своју писменост све до појаве Сoлунске браће св. Ћирила и Методија и настанка глагољице 863. године, тако да су пре тога, али у великој мери и после тога вести о њима забележене у страним изворима, пре свега на грчком и латинском језику. Старије форме словенског језика – прасловенски, а затим и старословенски, имали су фонолошки састав у извесној мери различит од оба сродна индоевропска језика, па су рани словенски етноними забележени у изворима онако како су их грчки и латински писци репродуковали у својим књижевним језицима. Тако је на пример прасловенско о у грчким и латинским текстовима углавном постајало а, прасловенски полувокали ъ и ь су по правилу били вокализовани, а на исти начин су били репродуковани и словенски слоготворни сугласници р и л (у старословенским текстовима и касније најчешће бележени као рь и ль). Научници, у првом реду историчари, најчешће су само преузимали облике забележене
у грчкој и латинској изворној грађи, те су на основу њих изводили некад и врло далекосежне закључке. Међутим, када се реконструише њихов тачан словенски облик, ти етноними постају корисно сведочанство за изучавање проблематике порекла и постанка јужнословенских племена
AB  - Even after the creation of the Slavic alphabets, early information on the Slavs was for the most part recorded in Greek and Latin, and thus the names of the Slavic tribes have come down to us in somehow distorted forms, since the phonemic systems of those two languages did not match that of the early Slavic language. It is then necessary to establish the correct forms of the names of the
Slavic tribes behind those recorded in Greek and Latin sources in order to investigate thoroughly their origins and formation.
According to the sixth-century writers Procopius and Jordanes, the early Slavs were divided in many tribes even in their ancient homeland, north of the Carpathians. However, the names of the tribes appeared for the first time in written sources in the seventh century, with the names of the several Slavic tribes who invaded Greece and besieged Thessalonica in the 610s, among them the *Drъgъvitji,*Sagudati (*Sogъdati?), *Velejezitji, *Vojъnitji, *Bъrzitji. The *Smolěne, *Milenki, *Ezeritji were also present in Greece, as well as small parts of other tribes (Serbs, Croats, Kriviči, Czechs). Serbs and Croats settled in the western part of the Balkans, with their local branches such as the Diocletians, Terbunians, Zachloumians, Narentans, or *Gъtаnе, *Gъtьci. Various Slavic tribes settled in the Eastern Alps; the sources and local toponymy recorded the names of the Croats and
Dulebs. The same was true about the old Roman Pannonia between the Danube and the Sava, where only Dulebs can be identified by name. In the eastern part of the Balkans, along the lower Danube, the sources mention the “seven Slavic tribes” subdued by the Bulgars in 680/681, but none of them by name. However, some of them could have later merged together into the new tribe of *Timočani. Along with them, the sources mention the Severi, but counted them apart from
the “seven Slavic tribes”, and this was possibly because they were not Slavs in the strict sense of the word, but rather their relatives, the Antes. To the west of the *Timočani lived a southern part of the *Obъdritji, while at the confluence of the Great Morava and the Danube, lived the Balkan Moravians.
As it could be deduced from their ethnonymy, some of those tribes brought their names from their ancient homeland in the North and it is there that we should look for their origins. The assumption is further corroborated by the fact that the names of some tribes appear in the other areas of the Slavic world as well, which means that the tribes in question must have split during the migrations.
However, some of the tribes were formed only after the settlement in the Eastern Alps and the Balkans, as revealed by the geographic origin of their names. Some of them were geographically separated sections of the ancient tribes who developed a new identity while still retaining the old one. But in some cases, parts of several different Slavic tribes settled in the same area and organized into a new ethnopolitical entity, in which case they first used the common name of the Slavs as a symbol of their common identity along with a geographic determination (for example, Slavs of the Rychios, Slavs of the Strymon, Slavs of the Peloponnese, “seven Slavic tribes”, Slavs of Pannonia, the Eastern Alps Slavs), and only later came to use new names based on the geographic terms (Carantanians, Carnians, *Ezeritji, *Timočani, Moravians, etc.). There were also some minor tribes that in the course of the migrations merged with a stronger tribe and assumed its identity. This clearly indicates that different Slavic tribes during the migrations still shared a strong sense of common Slavic identity alongside their own tribal identity. Even later, in the 9th century, Frankish sources mention common legal traditions among the Slavs (“leges et consuetudines Sclavicae gentis”), and the language that Sts Cyril and Methodius first introduced into literary use was still sufficiently uniform to be named as the common Slavic language.
PB  - Београд : Институт за српски језик САНУ
T2  - Наслеђе и стварање Свети Ћирило : Свети Сава 869-1219-2019 I
T1  - Рани јужнословенски етноними и питање порекла и постанка јужнословенских племена
T1  - Early South Slavic Ethnonyms and the Issue of Origin and Genesis of the South Slavic Tribes
SP  - 3
EP  - 28
VL  - 1
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10701
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Коматина, Предраг",
year = "2019",
abstract = "Рани Словени нису имали своју писменост све до појаве Сoлунске браће св. Ћирила и Методија и настанка глагољице 863. године, тако да су пре тога, али у великој мери и после тога вести о њима забележене у страним изворима, пре свега на грчком и латинском језику. Старије форме словенског језика – прасловенски, а затим и старословенски, имали су фонолошки састав у извесној мери различит од оба сродна индоевропска језика, па су рани словенски етноними забележени у изворима онако како су их грчки и латински писци репродуковали у својим књижевним језицима. Тако је на пример прасловенско о у грчким и латинским текстовима углавном постајало а, прасловенски полувокали ъ и ь су по правилу били вокализовани, а на исти начин су били репродуковани и словенски слоготворни сугласници р и л (у старословенским текстовима и касније најчешће бележени као рь и ль). Научници, у првом реду историчари, најчешће су само преузимали облике забележене
у грчкој и латинској изворној грађи, те су на основу њих изводили некад и врло далекосежне закључке. Међутим, када се реконструише њихов тачан словенски облик, ти етноними постају корисно сведочанство за изучавање проблематике порекла и постанка јужнословенских племена, Even after the creation of the Slavic alphabets, early information on the Slavs was for the most part recorded in Greek and Latin, and thus the names of the Slavic tribes have come down to us in somehow distorted forms, since the phonemic systems of those two languages did not match that of the early Slavic language. It is then necessary to establish the correct forms of the names of the
Slavic tribes behind those recorded in Greek and Latin sources in order to investigate thoroughly their origins and formation.
According to the sixth-century writers Procopius and Jordanes, the early Slavs were divided in many tribes even in their ancient homeland, north of the Carpathians. However, the names of the tribes appeared for the first time in written sources in the seventh century, with the names of the several Slavic tribes who invaded Greece and besieged Thessalonica in the 610s, among them the *Drъgъvitji,*Sagudati (*Sogъdati?), *Velejezitji, *Vojъnitji, *Bъrzitji. The *Smolěne, *Milenki, *Ezeritji were also present in Greece, as well as small parts of other tribes (Serbs, Croats, Kriviči, Czechs). Serbs and Croats settled in the western part of the Balkans, with their local branches such as the Diocletians, Terbunians, Zachloumians, Narentans, or *Gъtаnе, *Gъtьci. Various Slavic tribes settled in the Eastern Alps; the sources and local toponymy recorded the names of the Croats and
Dulebs. The same was true about the old Roman Pannonia between the Danube and the Sava, where only Dulebs can be identified by name. In the eastern part of the Balkans, along the lower Danube, the sources mention the “seven Slavic tribes” subdued by the Bulgars in 680/681, but none of them by name. However, some of them could have later merged together into the new tribe of *Timočani. Along with them, the sources mention the Severi, but counted them apart from
the “seven Slavic tribes”, and this was possibly because they were not Slavs in the strict sense of the word, but rather their relatives, the Antes. To the west of the *Timočani lived a southern part of the *Obъdritji, while at the confluence of the Great Morava and the Danube, lived the Balkan Moravians.
As it could be deduced from their ethnonymy, some of those tribes brought their names from their ancient homeland in the North and it is there that we should look for their origins. The assumption is further corroborated by the fact that the names of some tribes appear in the other areas of the Slavic world as well, which means that the tribes in question must have split during the migrations.
However, some of the tribes were formed only after the settlement in the Eastern Alps and the Balkans, as revealed by the geographic origin of their names. Some of them were geographically separated sections of the ancient tribes who developed a new identity while still retaining the old one. But in some cases, parts of several different Slavic tribes settled in the same area and organized into a new ethnopolitical entity, in which case they first used the common name of the Slavs as a symbol of their common identity along with a geographic determination (for example, Slavs of the Rychios, Slavs of the Strymon, Slavs of the Peloponnese, “seven Slavic tribes”, Slavs of Pannonia, the Eastern Alps Slavs), and only later came to use new names based on the geographic terms (Carantanians, Carnians, *Ezeritji, *Timočani, Moravians, etc.). There were also some minor tribes that in the course of the migrations merged with a stronger tribe and assumed its identity. This clearly indicates that different Slavic tribes during the migrations still shared a strong sense of common Slavic identity alongside their own tribal identity. Even later, in the 9th century, Frankish sources mention common legal traditions among the Slavs (“leges et consuetudines Sclavicae gentis”), and the language that Sts Cyril and Methodius first introduced into literary use was still sufficiently uniform to be named as the common Slavic language.",
publisher = "Београд : Институт за српски језик САНУ",
journal = "Наслеђе и стварање Свети Ћирило : Свети Сава 869-1219-2019 I",
booktitle = "Рани јужнословенски етноними и питање порекла и постанка јужнословенских племена, Early South Slavic Ethnonyms and the Issue of Origin and Genesis of the South Slavic Tribes",
pages = "3-28",
volume = "1",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10701"
}
Коматина, П.. (2019). Рани јужнословенски етноними и питање порекла и постанка јужнословенских племена. in Наслеђе и стварање Свети Ћирило : Свети Сава 869-1219-2019 I
Београд : Институт за српски језик САНУ., 1, 3-28.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10701
Коматина П. Рани јужнословенски етноними и питање порекла и постанка јужнословенских племена. in Наслеђе и стварање Свети Ћирило : Свети Сава 869-1219-2019 I. 2019;1:3-28.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10701 .
Коматина, Предраг, "Рани јужнословенски етноними и питање порекла и постанка јужнословенских племена" in Наслеђе и стварање Свети Ћирило : Свети Сава 869-1219-2019 I, 1 (2019):3-28,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10701 .

Византијски и угарски Срем од X до XIII века

Коматина, Предраг; Коматина, Ивана

(Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ, 2018)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Коматина, Предраг
AU  - Коматина, Ивана
PY  - 2018
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/7142
AB  - Одавно је познато да је у средњем веку назив „Срем“ означавао не само међуречје Саве и Дунава, него и територију на десној обали Саве, данашњу Мачву, која се у изворима назива „Онострани Срем“ (Sirmia Ulterior). У раду се анализирају подаци о историји Срема од X до XIII века не би ли се утврдило када и у каквим околностима се име Срема проширило на десну обалу Саве.
AB  - It has been long known that the name “Syrmia” in the Middle Ages meant not only the area between the rivers Sava and Danube, but also the territory on the right bank of the Sava, today’s Mačva, which was called in the sources “Further Syrmia” (Sirmia Ulterior). In this article we analyze the data concerning the history of Syrmia in the 10th–13th centuries in order to determine when and in what circumstances the name of Syrmia came to denote the right bank of the Sava.
PB  - Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ
T2  - Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ
T1  - Византијски и угарски Срем од X до XIII века
T1  - The Byzantine and Hungarian Syrmia in the 10th–13th centuries
SP  - 141
EP  - 164
VL  - 55
DO  - 10.2298/ZRVI1855141K
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7142
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Коматина, Предраг and Коматина, Ивана",
year = "2018",
abstract = "Одавно је познато да је у средњем веку назив „Срем“ означавао не само међуречје Саве и Дунава, него и територију на десној обали Саве, данашњу Мачву, која се у изворима назива „Онострани Срем“ (Sirmia Ulterior). У раду се анализирају подаци о историји Срема од X до XIII века не би ли се утврдило када и у каквим околностима се име Срема проширило на десну обалу Саве., It has been long known that the name “Syrmia” in the Middle Ages meant not only the area between the rivers Sava and Danube, but also the territory on the right bank of the Sava, today’s Mačva, which was called in the sources “Further Syrmia” (Sirmia Ulterior). In this article we analyze the data concerning the history of Syrmia in the 10th–13th centuries in order to determine when and in what circumstances the name of Syrmia came to denote the right bank of the Sava.",
publisher = "Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ",
journal = "Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ",
title = "Византијски и угарски Срем од X до XIII века, The Byzantine and Hungarian Syrmia in the 10th–13th centuries",
pages = "141-164",
volume = "55",
doi = "10.2298/ZRVI1855141K",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7142"
}
Коматина, П.,& Коматина, И.. (2018). Византијски и угарски Срем од X до XIII века. in Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ
Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ., 55, 141-164.
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1855141K
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7142
Коматина П, Коматина И. Византијски и угарски Срем од X до XIII века. in Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ. 2018;55:141-164.
doi:10.2298/ZRVI1855141K
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7142 .
Коматина, Предраг, Коматина, Ивана, "Византијски и угарски Срем од X до XIII века" in Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ, 55 (2018):141-164,
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1855141K .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7142 .
4

Настанак „Млетачке Албаније“ и успомена на византијску власт у српском поморју

Коматина, Ивана; Коматина, Предраг

(Београд : Историјски институт, 2018)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Коматина, Ивана
AU  - Коматина, Предраг
PY  - 2018
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/10720
AB  - У раду се истражују историјске и политичке околности које су као резултат имале настанак „Млетачке Албаније“. Такође, посебна пажња је посвећена проматрању односа између Албаније у географском, политичком и историјском погледу и новоосноване „Млетачке Албаније“, тј. проналази се историјска нит која је Млечанима била упориште за коришћење назива Албанија на простору српског Поморја од Скадра до Котора.
AB  - The paper deals with the facts that led to the creation of “Venetian Albania“. Namely, “Venetian Albania“ (Albania Veneta) was a historical and geographical entity that emerged after the Venetian takeover of Durazzo from its Albanian master George Topia in 1392, and survived until the peace of Campoformio and the annexation of Venice and the remaining Venetian lands in the Adriatic to Austria in 1797. Although its origin was related to the Venetian occupation of Durazzo, its territory lay primarily, and after the fall of Durazzo, under the Ottomans in 1501, in the area of the medieval Serbian Littoral, from Cattaro to Scutari, which before the spread of “Venetian Albania“ was never
considered to be “Albania“.
However, it is first necessary to explain the geographical, historical and political relationship between original Albania and newly established “Venetian Albania“. Albania, that is, the Arbanum region – a wider area around the town of Kruje, was initially part of the theme of Durazzo of the Byzantine Empire. After the fall of Constantinople into the hands of Crusaders in 1204, Durazzo fell into the hands of the Venetians, but in the region of Arbanum, we encounter the first testimonies of the Principatus Arbanensis (“Principality of Arbanum“) as a political entity. In the following period, Arbanum and Durazzo changed supreme authority several times, firstly Epirote, then Bulgarian, and at the end, the struggle for the control of these territories was fought between the Despotate of Epirus and the Empire of Nicaea. Sicilian King Manfred of Hoenstaufen also participated in these events. After Manfred’s death, Charles of Anjou became a pretender to Manfred’s inheritance. In order to achieve his goal, in Viterbo in 1267 he made an alliance with Latin emperor Baldwin who acknowledged his rights over Manfred’s inheritance in Epirus, as well as in the “kingdom of Albania“ (regnum Albaniae), which was the first mention of that term. Based on these provisions, by 1272 Charles had already under his rule Durazzo and Albania. He appointed his captain for the Kingdom of Albania, to whom he subsequently entrusted the administration of Durazzo, which was not considered part of the Kingdom of Albania. The Kingdom ofAlbania temporarily disappeared in 1284. After the change of the Byzantine and Serbian authorities over Durazzo and the Albanian hinterland, the Angevine pretensions were revived with Philip of Taranto and in 1304 he issued a series of privileges to the Durazzins and “the estates of the Kingdom of Albania“. However, although the city of Durazzo was treated as a separate entity, this time during the Angevine rule, it completely belonged to the restored Kingdom of Albania. During the time of Philip’s successors, Durazzo was constituted as a separate Duchy of Durazzo and was again separated from the rest of the “Kingdom of Albania“. The rule of the Duke of Durazzo over the “Kingdom of Albania“ was still unstable and dependent upon the loyalty of Albanian nobles. During the 1340s, they recognised Serbian authority, after which the Angevine “Kingdom of Albania“ ceased to exist, but the Duchy of Durazzo held up until 1368, when it was won over by Charles Topia, an Albanian local nobleman. Once again, Durazzo and its Albanian hinterland were united under the rule of the same lord.As early as 1362, the Durazzins came into close contact with the Venetians, and four years later, Charles Topia received the privileges of Venetian citizenship. His son George Topia also had close cooperation with the Venetians. However, after George’s death in 1392, the city and its Albanian hinterland came in possession of the Venetians, and that is how “Venetian Albania“ came into existence, although that term was still unknown. So the only link between original Albania and “Venetian Albania“, except for the name, was the city of Durazzo. “Venetian Albania“ did not spread to the east, to the core of Albania – former Arbanum; on the contrary, it was soon extended to the north, thanks to the lord of Zeta, George II Stratimirović Balšić. Namely, he offered the cities of Scutari and Drivasto to the Venetians. However, the Venetians were not allowed to accept them at once, as they would violate the peace provisions with the Hungarians of 1358 and 1381, which meant that the Hungarian authority would extend through all of Dalmatia, from “Quarnaro to the borders of Durazzo“. Therefore, Scutari and Drivasto were certainly located within that area. Nevertheless, skilled Venetians, wanting to extend the boundaries of “Venetian Albania“ to the north, ordered their captain of Durazzo to find in the old acts whether those cities belonged to Dalmatia or to the “borders of Durazzo“. The captain of Durazzo obviously found some ancient
writings, even from the period of the Byzantine authority about the spread of the theme of Durazzo over those cities in the period from the 9th to the 11th centuries (which is evidenced by the works of Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus, John Scylitzes, Scylitzes Continuatus, Nicephorus Bryennius, Anne Comnene). After the Serbian conquest of these towns in the middle of the 11th century, they made a whole with the old Serbian land of Dioclea (Zeta), but they retained a specificstatus, so we often encounter the phrases “Zeta and the Cities“ or “Dioclea and Dalmatia“, where under Dalmatia the area of Upper Dalmatia was meant. In the 13th century Thomas the Archdeacon defined the entirety of Dalmatia as an area starting from Epirus and Durazzo and extending to the Quarnaro Bay, just like in the treaties of 1358 and 1381. The Venetians thus violated these provisions, but they justified their own actions by calling upon the former affiliation of these cities to the Byzantine theme of Durazzo. A similar dispute over the issue of whom these cities, Scutari in particular, belonged to – Dalmatia or Durazzo, was initiated by Serbian grand župan Stefan Nemanjić in 1214. The Venetians perhaps used the evidence pertaining to that dispute, in addition to finding older documents from the time of Byzantine rule. It was only then that after the spread of the Venetian power over the southern Adriatic cities of Scutari and Drivasto that the name of “Albania“ was first used. Since then, it became a more common name for the Venetian territories in the South Adriatic, and gradually spread to the north, eventually encompassing all of Zeta. The Turkish founding of the Sanjak of Scutari in 1479 had a strong geopolitical foundation in “Venetian Albania“, and as it included Montenegro and Brda, they were considered a part of Albania up until the 19th century. On the other hand, “Venetian Albania“ after the Turkish conquest of Durazzo in 1501 was reduced only to the areas of the cities of Budva and Cattaro, far beyond the borders of the theme of Durazzo, its original core.
PB  - Београд : Историјски институт
T2  - Историјски часопис LXVII
T1  - Настанак „Млетачке Албаније“ и успомена на византијску власт у српском поморју
T1  - The Establishment of “Venetian Albania“ and the Memory of Byzantine Rule in the Serbian Littoral
SP  - 55
EP  - 82
VL  - 67
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10720
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Коматина, Ивана and Коматина, Предраг",
year = "2018",
abstract = "У раду се истражују историјске и политичке околности које су као резултат имале настанак „Млетачке Албаније“. Такође, посебна пажња је посвећена проматрању односа између Албаније у географском, политичком и историјском погледу и новоосноване „Млетачке Албаније“, тј. проналази се историјска нит која је Млечанима била упориште за коришћење назива Албанија на простору српског Поморја од Скадра до Котора., The paper deals with the facts that led to the creation of “Venetian Albania“. Namely, “Venetian Albania“ (Albania Veneta) was a historical and geographical entity that emerged after the Venetian takeover of Durazzo from its Albanian master George Topia in 1392, and survived until the peace of Campoformio and the annexation of Venice and the remaining Venetian lands in the Adriatic to Austria in 1797. Although its origin was related to the Venetian occupation of Durazzo, its territory lay primarily, and after the fall of Durazzo, under the Ottomans in 1501, in the area of the medieval Serbian Littoral, from Cattaro to Scutari, which before the spread of “Venetian Albania“ was never
considered to be “Albania“.
However, it is first necessary to explain the geographical, historical and political relationship between original Albania and newly established “Venetian Albania“. Albania, that is, the Arbanum region – a wider area around the town of Kruje, was initially part of the theme of Durazzo of the Byzantine Empire. After the fall of Constantinople into the hands of Crusaders in 1204, Durazzo fell into the hands of the Venetians, but in the region of Arbanum, we encounter the first testimonies of the Principatus Arbanensis (“Principality of Arbanum“) as a political entity. In the following period, Arbanum and Durazzo changed supreme authority several times, firstly Epirote, then Bulgarian, and at the end, the struggle for the control of these territories was fought between the Despotate of Epirus and the Empire of Nicaea. Sicilian King Manfred of Hoenstaufen also participated in these events. After Manfred’s death, Charles of Anjou became a pretender to Manfred’s inheritance. In order to achieve his goal, in Viterbo in 1267 he made an alliance with Latin emperor Baldwin who acknowledged his rights over Manfred’s inheritance in Epirus, as well as in the “kingdom of Albania“ (regnum Albaniae), which was the first mention of that term. Based on these provisions, by 1272 Charles had already under his rule Durazzo and Albania. He appointed his captain for the Kingdom of Albania, to whom he subsequently entrusted the administration of Durazzo, which was not considered part of the Kingdom of Albania. The Kingdom ofAlbania temporarily disappeared in 1284. After the change of the Byzantine and Serbian authorities over Durazzo and the Albanian hinterland, the Angevine pretensions were revived with Philip of Taranto and in 1304 he issued a series of privileges to the Durazzins and “the estates of the Kingdom of Albania“. However, although the city of Durazzo was treated as a separate entity, this time during the Angevine rule, it completely belonged to the restored Kingdom of Albania. During the time of Philip’s successors, Durazzo was constituted as a separate Duchy of Durazzo and was again separated from the rest of the “Kingdom of Albania“. The rule of the Duke of Durazzo over the “Kingdom of Albania“ was still unstable and dependent upon the loyalty of Albanian nobles. During the 1340s, they recognised Serbian authority, after which the Angevine “Kingdom of Albania“ ceased to exist, but the Duchy of Durazzo held up until 1368, when it was won over by Charles Topia, an Albanian local nobleman. Once again, Durazzo and its Albanian hinterland were united under the rule of the same lord.As early as 1362, the Durazzins came into close contact with the Venetians, and four years later, Charles Topia received the privileges of Venetian citizenship. His son George Topia also had close cooperation with the Venetians. However, after George’s death in 1392, the city and its Albanian hinterland came in possession of the Venetians, and that is how “Venetian Albania“ came into existence, although that term was still unknown. So the only link between original Albania and “Venetian Albania“, except for the name, was the city of Durazzo. “Venetian Albania“ did not spread to the east, to the core of Albania – former Arbanum; on the contrary, it was soon extended to the north, thanks to the lord of Zeta, George II Stratimirović Balšić. Namely, he offered the cities of Scutari and Drivasto to the Venetians. However, the Venetians were not allowed to accept them at once, as they would violate the peace provisions with the Hungarians of 1358 and 1381, which meant that the Hungarian authority would extend through all of Dalmatia, from “Quarnaro to the borders of Durazzo“. Therefore, Scutari and Drivasto were certainly located within that area. Nevertheless, skilled Venetians, wanting to extend the boundaries of “Venetian Albania“ to the north, ordered their captain of Durazzo to find in the old acts whether those cities belonged to Dalmatia or to the “borders of Durazzo“. The captain of Durazzo obviously found some ancient
writings, even from the period of the Byzantine authority about the spread of the theme of Durazzo over those cities in the period from the 9th to the 11th centuries (which is evidenced by the works of Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus, John Scylitzes, Scylitzes Continuatus, Nicephorus Bryennius, Anne Comnene). After the Serbian conquest of these towns in the middle of the 11th century, they made a whole with the old Serbian land of Dioclea (Zeta), but they retained a specificstatus, so we often encounter the phrases “Zeta and the Cities“ or “Dioclea and Dalmatia“, where under Dalmatia the area of Upper Dalmatia was meant. In the 13th century Thomas the Archdeacon defined the entirety of Dalmatia as an area starting from Epirus and Durazzo and extending to the Quarnaro Bay, just like in the treaties of 1358 and 1381. The Venetians thus violated these provisions, but they justified their own actions by calling upon the former affiliation of these cities to the Byzantine theme of Durazzo. A similar dispute over the issue of whom these cities, Scutari in particular, belonged to – Dalmatia or Durazzo, was initiated by Serbian grand župan Stefan Nemanjić in 1214. The Venetians perhaps used the evidence pertaining to that dispute, in addition to finding older documents from the time of Byzantine rule. It was only then that after the spread of the Venetian power over the southern Adriatic cities of Scutari and Drivasto that the name of “Albania“ was first used. Since then, it became a more common name for the Venetian territories in the South Adriatic, and gradually spread to the north, eventually encompassing all of Zeta. The Turkish founding of the Sanjak of Scutari in 1479 had a strong geopolitical foundation in “Venetian Albania“, and as it included Montenegro and Brda, they were considered a part of Albania up until the 19th century. On the other hand, “Venetian Albania“ after the Turkish conquest of Durazzo in 1501 was reduced only to the areas of the cities of Budva and Cattaro, far beyond the borders of the theme of Durazzo, its original core.",
publisher = "Београд : Историјски институт",
journal = "Историјски часопис LXVII",
title = "Настанак „Млетачке Албаније“ и успомена на византијску власт у српском поморју, The Establishment of “Venetian Albania“ and the Memory of Byzantine Rule in the Serbian Littoral",
pages = "55-82",
volume = "67",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10720"
}
Коматина, И.,& Коматина, П.. (2018). Настанак „Млетачке Албаније“ и успомена на византијску власт у српском поморју. in Историјски часопис LXVII
Београд : Историјски институт., 67, 55-82.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10720
Коматина И, Коматина П. Настанак „Млетачке Албаније“ и успомена на византијску власт у српском поморју. in Историјски часопис LXVII. 2018;67:55-82.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10720 .
Коматина, Ивана, Коматина, Предраг, "Настанак „Млетачке Албаније“ и успомена на византијску власт у српском поморју" in Историјски часопис LXVII, 67 (2018):55-82,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_10720 .

Промене на српском престолу 1370–1371. године. Покушај реинтерпретације

Коматина, Предраг

(Београд: Историјски институт, 2017)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Коматина, Предраг
PY  - 2017
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/6305
AB  - У раду се разматра питање односа између цара Стефана Уроша и краља Вукашина током 1370. и 1371. године и могућност да је у једном тренутку краљ Вукашин у потпуности лишио цара власти и постао једини српски владар, те да је цар после Вукашинове погибије на Марици поново преузео свој престо, као и последице таквих околности на даљи развитак српске државности.
AB  - In the historic memory of the Serbian people the last member of the Nemanjić dynasty, emperor Stephen Uroš was remembered as “Uroš the Weak“, an unable ruler who permitted his lords to take over the strong Empire that was left to him by his father “Dušan the Mighty“. In the Serbian epic poetry the strongest of them, king Vukašin Mrnjavčević was even credited with killing the young emperor. It was only at the end of the 19th century that Konstantin Jireček finally proved that that was not true and that the emperor outlived the king. Since then Serbian historiography has gradually come to an account according to which the emperor crowned Vukašin king and made him his co¬ruler in 1365 and then ruled along with him, although with some discrepancies, up until the death of the latter at the Battle of Marica on 26 September 1371, and then with his son and successor king Marko until his own death in early December 1371, while after that Marko continued reigning as the sole Serbian ruler. However, according to the earliest of the Serbian chronicles, the first of which was composed shortly after the events of 1371, and the second one barely twenty years later, king Vukašin overthrew the emperor and “posed on himself the crown of the Serbian kingdom“. However, the emperor – “even though he suffered from the deprivation of the imperial dignity of his Fatherland, nevertheless passed to God with glory amidst his country in his imperial dignity“, which meant that he succeeded in retaking his position of the reigning monarch of Serbia. The fact is that between 5 February 1370 and 16 October 1371 there is no mention in the sources of Emperor Stephen Uroš as the Serbian monarch. During that period, only king Vukašin is mentioned in the sources in that capacity, beginning with his charter to the Ragusans of 5 April 1370, which he issued presenting himself as the current heir to the previous Serbian rulers that benefitted the Ragusans, up until his death at the Battle of Marica on 26 September 1371. Only after the battle and the death of the king did emperor Uroš reappear in the sources, being mentioned in two Ragusan documents from 16 October and 3 November 1371. However, his second reign was of no long duration, since he died already on 4 December 1371. Vukašin’s son Marko, although he may have been crowned king after his father’s death, was not accepted by the emperor as his co-¬ruler, so after the emperor’s death the Serbian state was left without a ruler. The rule was assumed by the regional lords who ruled independently each in his own region. It was only in 1377 that Bosnian ban Stefan Tvrtko, a descendant of the Serbian royal house through a female line, was crowned “king of the Serbs and Bosnia and the Littoral and the Western parts“ and restored the Serbian kingdom, even though in name only.
PB  - Београд: Историјски институт
T2  - Историјски часопис
T1  - Промене на српском престолу 1370–1371. године. Покушај реинтерпретације
SP  - 149
EP  - 171
VL  - 66
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6305
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Коматина, Предраг",
year = "2017",
abstract = "У раду се разматра питање односа између цара Стефана Уроша и краља Вукашина током 1370. и 1371. године и могућност да је у једном тренутку краљ Вукашин у потпуности лишио цара власти и постао једини српски владар, те да је цар после Вукашинове погибије на Марици поново преузео свој престо, као и последице таквих околности на даљи развитак српске државности., In the historic memory of the Serbian people the last member of the Nemanjić dynasty, emperor Stephen Uroš was remembered as “Uroš the Weak“, an unable ruler who permitted his lords to take over the strong Empire that was left to him by his father “Dušan the Mighty“. In the Serbian epic poetry the strongest of them, king Vukašin Mrnjavčević was even credited with killing the young emperor. It was only at the end of the 19th century that Konstantin Jireček finally proved that that was not true and that the emperor outlived the king. Since then Serbian historiography has gradually come to an account according to which the emperor crowned Vukašin king and made him his co¬ruler in 1365 and then ruled along with him, although with some discrepancies, up until the death of the latter at the Battle of Marica on 26 September 1371, and then with his son and successor king Marko until his own death in early December 1371, while after that Marko continued reigning as the sole Serbian ruler. However, according to the earliest of the Serbian chronicles, the first of which was composed shortly after the events of 1371, and the second one barely twenty years later, king Vukašin overthrew the emperor and “posed on himself the crown of the Serbian kingdom“. However, the emperor – “even though he suffered from the deprivation of the imperial dignity of his Fatherland, nevertheless passed to God with glory amidst his country in his imperial dignity“, which meant that he succeeded in retaking his position of the reigning monarch of Serbia. The fact is that between 5 February 1370 and 16 October 1371 there is no mention in the sources of Emperor Stephen Uroš as the Serbian monarch. During that period, only king Vukašin is mentioned in the sources in that capacity, beginning with his charter to the Ragusans of 5 April 1370, which he issued presenting himself as the current heir to the previous Serbian rulers that benefitted the Ragusans, up until his death at the Battle of Marica on 26 September 1371. Only after the battle and the death of the king did emperor Uroš reappear in the sources, being mentioned in two Ragusan documents from 16 October and 3 November 1371. However, his second reign was of no long duration, since he died already on 4 December 1371. Vukašin’s son Marko, although he may have been crowned king after his father’s death, was not accepted by the emperor as his co-¬ruler, so after the emperor’s death the Serbian state was left without a ruler. The rule was assumed by the regional lords who ruled independently each in his own region. It was only in 1377 that Bosnian ban Stefan Tvrtko, a descendant of the Serbian royal house through a female line, was crowned “king of the Serbs and Bosnia and the Littoral and the Western parts“ and restored the Serbian kingdom, even though in name only.",
publisher = "Београд: Историјски институт",
journal = "Историјски часопис",
title = "Промене на српском престолу 1370–1371. године. Покушај реинтерпретације",
pages = "149-171",
volume = "66",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6305"
}
Коматина, П.. (2017). Промене на српском престолу 1370–1371. године. Покушај реинтерпретације. in Историјски часопис
Београд: Историјски институт., 66, 149-171.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6305
Коматина П. Промене на српском престолу 1370–1371. године. Покушај реинтерпретације. in Историјски часопис. 2017;66:149-171.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6305 .
Коматина, Предраг, "Промене на српском престолу 1370–1371. године. Покушај реинтерпретације" in Историјски часопис, 66 (2017):149-171,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_6305 .

Област Вагенитија и епископија Св. Климента

Коматина, Предраг

(Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ, 2016)

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Коматина, Предраг
PY  - 2016
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/7145
AB  - На црквеном сабору у Цариграду 879/880. године први и једини пут се у изворима спомиње „епископ Вагенитије”, подручја словенског племена Вајунита. С друге стране, географска област с тим именом се помиње доследно у историјским изворима између VII и XV века. У раду се анализирају подаци о географском положају Вагенитије током средњег века и о црквеној организацији на њеном простору и долази се до закључка да је основно подручје Вагенитије између XI и XV века припадало епископу Химаре. Даље, упозорава се да је Химара према нотицији бр. 10 из друге половине X века припадала истој епископији као и Главиница, даље према северу. Како је шире подручје Главинице у доњем току реке Војуше у данашњој јужној Албанији поуздано препознато као простор деловања Св. Климента и његове словенске епископије образоване 893. године, долази се до закључка да је епископија Вагенитије из 879. године, као епископија словенског племена Вајунита, могла бити византијска претеча словенске епископије Св. Климента.
AB  - At the church council in Constantinople in 879/880 there was mentioned for the first and only time the „bishop of Vagenitia“, the area of the Slavic tribe of the Vajunits. On the other hand, the geographical area with that name is mentioned consistently in historical sources between the 7th and the 15th century. This paper analyzes the data on the geographical location of Vagenitia during the Middle Ages and the church organization in its territory and comes to the conclusion that the main area of Vagenitia between the 11th and the 15th century belonged to the bishop of Himara. Furthermore, it points out that according to the notitia no. 10 from the second half of the 10th century Himara belonged to the same bishopric as Glavinica, further to the north. As the greater area of Glavinica in the lower reaches of the river Vojuša in today‘s southern Albania has been reliably identified as the area of   activity of St. Clement and his Slavic diocese established in 893, it can be concluded that the diocese of Vagenitia mentioned in 879, as the diocese of the Slavic tribe of the Vajunits, could be a Byzantine forerunner of the Slavic bishopric of St. Clement.
PB  - Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ
T2  - Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ
T1  - Област Вагенитија и епископија Св. Климента
T1  - The region of Vagenitia and the bishopric of St. Clement
SP  - 83
EP  - 99
VL  - 53
DO  - 10.2298/ZRVI1653083K
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7145
ER  - 
@article{
author = "Коматина, Предраг",
year = "2016",
abstract = "На црквеном сабору у Цариграду 879/880. године први и једини пут се у изворима спомиње „епископ Вагенитије”, подручја словенског племена Вајунита. С друге стране, географска област с тим именом се помиње доследно у историјским изворима између VII и XV века. У раду се анализирају подаци о географском положају Вагенитије током средњег века и о црквеној организацији на њеном простору и долази се до закључка да је основно подручје Вагенитије између XI и XV века припадало епископу Химаре. Даље, упозорава се да је Химара према нотицији бр. 10 из друге половине X века припадала истој епископији као и Главиница, даље према северу. Како је шире подручје Главинице у доњем току реке Војуше у данашњој јужној Албанији поуздано препознато као простор деловања Св. Климента и његове словенске епископије образоване 893. године, долази се до закључка да је епископија Вагенитије из 879. године, као епископија словенског племена Вајунита, могла бити византијска претеча словенске епископије Св. Климента., At the church council in Constantinople in 879/880 there was mentioned for the first and only time the „bishop of Vagenitia“, the area of the Slavic tribe of the Vajunits. On the other hand, the geographical area with that name is mentioned consistently in historical sources between the 7th and the 15th century. This paper analyzes the data on the geographical location of Vagenitia during the Middle Ages and the church organization in its territory and comes to the conclusion that the main area of Vagenitia between the 11th and the 15th century belonged to the bishop of Himara. Furthermore, it points out that according to the notitia no. 10 from the second half of the 10th century Himara belonged to the same bishopric as Glavinica, further to the north. As the greater area of Glavinica in the lower reaches of the river Vojuša in today‘s southern Albania has been reliably identified as the area of   activity of St. Clement and his Slavic diocese established in 893, it can be concluded that the diocese of Vagenitia mentioned in 879, as the diocese of the Slavic tribe of the Vajunits, could be a Byzantine forerunner of the Slavic bishopric of St. Clement.",
publisher = "Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ",
journal = "Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ",
title = "Област Вагенитија и епископија Св. Климента, The region of Vagenitia and the bishopric of St. Clement",
pages = "83-99",
volume = "53",
doi = "10.2298/ZRVI1653083K",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7145"
}
Коматина, П.. (2016). Област Вагенитија и епископија Св. Климента. in Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ
Београд : Византолошки институт САНУ., 53, 83-99.
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1653083K
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7145
Коматина П. Област Вагенитија и епископија Св. Климента. in Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ. 2016;53:83-99.
doi:10.2298/ZRVI1653083K
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7145 .
Коматина, Предраг, "Област Вагенитија и епископија Св. Климента" in Зборник радова Византолошког института САНУ, 53 (2016):83-99,
https://doi.org/10.2298/ZRVI1653083K .,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_7145 .
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„А од Арбанаса Пилот“. Почеци политичке историје Албанаца

Коматина, Предраг

(Беране: Епископија Будимљанско -Никшићка, Манастир Ђурђеви ступови; Цетиње: Митрополија црногорско-приморска, Цетињски манастир; Београд: Институт за историју уметности, Филозофски факултет: Институт за Српски језик САНУ, 2016)

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Коматина, Предраг
PY  - 2016
UR  - https://dais.sanu.ac.rs/123456789/9075
AB  - Рад је посвећен историји Арбанаса (Албанаца) у другој половини XII и првој половини XIII века, када се у историјским изворима први пут наилази на малобројне податке о њиховој политичкој организацији. Податак који доноси Стефан Немања у својој Хиландарској оснивачкој повељи из 1198. године, како је у време рата са Византијом између 1182. и 1186. освојио, између осталог, и „од Арбанаса Пилот“, сведочи да су већ у то време Арбанаси представљали посебну политичку целину у оквиру Ромејског царства. На основу тог и још неких података из друге половине XII века може се доћи до закључка да почеци политичке организације Арбанаса, која је у свом пуном обиму посведочена у првим деценијама XIII века, припадају средини XII века.
AB  - In his founding Hilandar charter from 1198, Strefan Nemanja mentions how he had, during his conflicts with the Byzantine Empire between 1182 and 1186, conquered “among coastal land Zeta with cities, and from the Albanians Pilot, and from the Greek land Lab with Lipljan, Dubočica, Reke, Zagrlata, Levče and Belica”. Therefore, he does not see the Albanians as a part of the “Greek land” but as a separate political and geographical entity. After their first mention in the historical sources in the XI century, data on the Albanians were again found in the second half of the XII century, precisely when Stefan Nemanja ruled the Serbs (1166–1196). Thus, in an ecclesiastic ceremony held in Kotor in June 1166, present were “Albanian bishop Lazar”, “Georgije, abbot of the Albanian Saint Salvation” and “Albanian prior Andreja”, and then Pope Alexander III (1159–1181) himself sent a letter to the afore-mentioned “bishop Lazar from Albania” At the time of the great military successes of tsar Manuel I Komnenos (1143–1180) against Hungary during the 1160s that were crowned by the establishment of immediate
and undisputable Byzantine power over the entire east-Adriatic coast, the region inhibited by the Albanians was separated from the Dukedom of Drač (to which it had hitherto belonged) and included into the newly-established Dukedom of Dalmatia, Croatia, Doclea and Arbana, that included all Byzantine belongings in the east Adriatic. After the death of this emperor in 1180, the Hungarians regained Croatia and Dalmatia, the Serbs did the same with Doclea, and Arban was reinserted into the Dukedom of Drač, to which it still belonged at the crossroads of the XII and XIII centuries, which can be concluded from the charter of tsar Alexios III Angelos to the Venetians and the treaty between the crusaders and the Venetians about partition of the Byzantine Empire in 1204 (Partitio Romaniae). After the fall of Constantinople to the crusaders and destruction of the Byzantine Empire in 1204, the Albanians from Drač hinterland appear as a separate political factor, led by the chiefs from the families of Djina and Dimitrije (sons of Progon), the members of which, related to Serbian and Byzantine ruling families, in the changing circumstances of Epirote, Venetian and Bulgarian domination, succeed in maintaining their positions until the “Nicaean reconquista” by the mid XIII century. Their position of political leaders of the Albanian community, that Greek sources termed „archon” (ἄρχων) and Latin ones „princeps” or „judex”, was accompanied by high Byzantine dignities derived from the dignity of sebastos (protosebastos,
panhypersebastos, pansebastos sebastos…), which means that the roots of their position are to
be sought in the time before 1204 and within the administrative system of the Byzantine Empire. This, as well as the fact that the Albanians were a separate political factor during the 1170s and 1180s, opens a possibility to recognize in the “Albanian prior Andrej” a predecessor of Djino and Dimitrije (Albanian leaders from the beginning of the XIII century) and to form a hypothesis that the beginnings of the political organization of the Albanians belong to the mid XII century.
PB  - Беране: Епископија Будимљанско -Никшићка, Манастир Ђурђеви ступови; Цетиње: Митрополија црногорско-приморска, Цетињски манастир; Београд: Институт за историју уметности, Филозофски факултет: Институт за Српски језик САНУ
T2  - Стефан Немања - преподобни Симеон Мироточиви
T1  - „А од Арбанаса Пилот“. Почеци политичке историје Албанаца
T1  - "And Pilot from the Albanians". The Beginnings of the Political History of the Albanians
SP  - 259
EP  - 267
VL  - 1
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_9075
ER  - 
@inbook{
author = "Коматина, Предраг",
year = "2016",
abstract = "Рад је посвећен историји Арбанаса (Албанаца) у другој половини XII и првој половини XIII века, када се у историјским изворима први пут наилази на малобројне податке о њиховој политичкој организацији. Податак који доноси Стефан Немања у својој Хиландарској оснивачкој повељи из 1198. године, како је у време рата са Византијом између 1182. и 1186. освојио, између осталог, и „од Арбанаса Пилот“, сведочи да су већ у то време Арбанаси представљали посебну политичку целину у оквиру Ромејског царства. На основу тог и још неких података из друге половине XII века може се доћи до закључка да почеци политичке организације Арбанаса, која је у свом пуном обиму посведочена у првим деценијама XIII века, припадају средини XII века., In his founding Hilandar charter from 1198, Strefan Nemanja mentions how he had, during his conflicts with the Byzantine Empire between 1182 and 1186, conquered “among coastal land Zeta with cities, and from the Albanians Pilot, and from the Greek land Lab with Lipljan, Dubočica, Reke, Zagrlata, Levče and Belica”. Therefore, he does not see the Albanians as a part of the “Greek land” but as a separate political and geographical entity. After their first mention in the historical sources in the XI century, data on the Albanians were again found in the second half of the XII century, precisely when Stefan Nemanja ruled the Serbs (1166–1196). Thus, in an ecclesiastic ceremony held in Kotor in June 1166, present were “Albanian bishop Lazar”, “Georgije, abbot of the Albanian Saint Salvation” and “Albanian prior Andreja”, and then Pope Alexander III (1159–1181) himself sent a letter to the afore-mentioned “bishop Lazar from Albania” At the time of the great military successes of tsar Manuel I Komnenos (1143–1180) against Hungary during the 1160s that were crowned by the establishment of immediate
and undisputable Byzantine power over the entire east-Adriatic coast, the region inhibited by the Albanians was separated from the Dukedom of Drač (to which it had hitherto belonged) and included into the newly-established Dukedom of Dalmatia, Croatia, Doclea and Arbana, that included all Byzantine belongings in the east Adriatic. After the death of this emperor in 1180, the Hungarians regained Croatia and Dalmatia, the Serbs did the same with Doclea, and Arban was reinserted into the Dukedom of Drač, to which it still belonged at the crossroads of the XII and XIII centuries, which can be concluded from the charter of tsar Alexios III Angelos to the Venetians and the treaty between the crusaders and the Venetians about partition of the Byzantine Empire in 1204 (Partitio Romaniae). After the fall of Constantinople to the crusaders and destruction of the Byzantine Empire in 1204, the Albanians from Drač hinterland appear as a separate political factor, led by the chiefs from the families of Djina and Dimitrije (sons of Progon), the members of which, related to Serbian and Byzantine ruling families, in the changing circumstances of Epirote, Venetian and Bulgarian domination, succeed in maintaining their positions until the “Nicaean reconquista” by the mid XIII century. Their position of political leaders of the Albanian community, that Greek sources termed „archon” (ἄρχων) and Latin ones „princeps” or „judex”, was accompanied by high Byzantine dignities derived from the dignity of sebastos (protosebastos,
panhypersebastos, pansebastos sebastos…), which means that the roots of their position are to
be sought in the time before 1204 and within the administrative system of the Byzantine Empire. This, as well as the fact that the Albanians were a separate political factor during the 1170s and 1180s, opens a possibility to recognize in the “Albanian prior Andrej” a predecessor of Djino and Dimitrije (Albanian leaders from the beginning of the XIII century) and to form a hypothesis that the beginnings of the political organization of the Albanians belong to the mid XII century.",
publisher = "Беране: Епископија Будимљанско -Никшићка, Манастир Ђурђеви ступови; Цетиње: Митрополија црногорско-приморска, Цетињски манастир; Београд: Институт за историју уметности, Филозофски факултет: Институт за Српски језик САНУ",
journal = "Стефан Немања - преподобни Симеон Мироточиви",
booktitle = "„А од Арбанаса Пилот“. Почеци политичке историје Албанаца, "And Pilot from the Albanians". The Beginnings of the Political History of the Albanians",
pages = "259-267",
volume = "1",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_9075"
}
Коматина, П.. (2016). „А од Арбанаса Пилот“. Почеци политичке историје Албанаца. in Стефан Немања - преподобни Симеон Мироточиви
Беране: Епископија Будимљанско -Никшићка, Манастир Ђурђеви ступови; Цетиње: Митрополија црногорско-приморска, Цетињски манастир; Београд: Институт за историју уметности, Филозофски факултет: Институт за Српски језик САНУ., 1, 259-267.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_9075
Коматина П. „А од Арбанаса Пилот“. Почеци политичке историје Албанаца. in Стефан Немања - преподобни Симеон Мироточиви. 2016;1:259-267.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_9075 .
Коматина, Предраг, "„А од Арбанаса Пилот“. Почеци политичке историје Албанаца" in Стефан Немања - преподобни Симеон Мироточиви, 1 (2016):259-267,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_dais_9075 .